ONE-UNIT

DEBATE ON ONE-UNIT

ONE UNIT RESOLUTION

 THE HONORABLE THE DEPUTY SPEAKER:  Now, one Unit Resolution. Yes, Honorable Mr. Khuhro.

The Honorable Mr. M.A. KHUHRO: Sir I move the following resolution:-

This Legislative Assembly of the Province of Sind, having given careful consideration to the present situation in the country, is convinced that the ear while Constituent Assembly of Pakistan, having lost its reprehensive character having out-lived its mandate, and having completely failed to fulfill the clear object for which it was formed more than seven years back, had become the cockpit of personal ambitions, factional rivalries and regional jealousies, had by its long delays and interminable struggle, ineptitudes and abuses of conditional procedure created an atmosphere of extreme frustration and despair in the country; had fermented and forted feelings of provincialism, mutual suspicion and discord in various parts of the country and moving from deadlock to deadlock had put in jeopardy the unity and solidarity of Pakistan.

 This Assembly further hails the timely action taken by His Excellency the Governor-General in dissolving the said Assembly and also Honorable the Prime Minster for re-constituting the Cabinet and having thus saved the country from destruction and disintegration and having opened the prospects of a hopeful and confident future by creating circumstances in which a just and cordial settlement of the constitutional problems facing the country can be reached thought a fruitful and lasting agreement between the genuine representatives of the various parts of the country.

The Legislative Assembly has, further, given its considered thought to the conditional  problems, and is of the definite opinion that the only just, honorable and workable solution consists in welding  various units in Western Pakistan into a single whole as outlined by Honorable the Prime Minster in his recent broad-cast on this subject. The arraignment will not only accord with the basic economic and social realties of the situation, will not only promote substantial improvements in economy and administration, will not only fortify the unity and solidarity of the nation, but will facilitate an agreement between East and West Pakistan on a future pattern of Government based on equality, inter-dependence and cordial comradeship.

Finally, this Legislative Assembly recommends to the Government of Pakistan that in implementation of its considered opinion outlined above, speedy steps should be taken to achieve the unification of West Pakistan to arrive at a just and cordial settlement between the re-preventatives of East and West Pakistan on their future conditional relationship, and to hold new elections throughout the country according to that agreed plan.

THE HONORABLE THE DEPUTY SPEAKER: Motion is:

This Legislative Assembly of the Province of Sind, having given careful consideration to the present situation in the country, is convinced that he erstwhile Constituent Assembly of Pakistan, having lost its representative character having out-lived its mandate, and having completely failed to fulfill the clear object for which it was formed more than seven years back, had become the cockpit personal ambitions factional rivalries and regional jealousies, had by its long delays and interminable struggles, ineptitudes and abuses of constitutional procedure created an atmosphere of extreme frustration and despair in the country; had fomented and fostered feelings of provincialism, mutual suspicion and discord in various parts of the country and in moving from deadlock had put in jeopardy the unity and solidarity of Pakistan.

This Assembly further hails the timely action taken by his Excellency the Governor-General in dissolving the said Assembly and also Honorable the Prime Minster for re-constituting the Cabinet and having thus saved the country from destruction and disintegration and having opened the prospects of a hopeful and confident future by creating circumstances in which a just and cordial settlement of the constitutional problems facing the country can be reached though a fruitful and lasting agreement between the genuine representatives of the various parts of the country.

This Legislative Assembly has, future, given its consisted thought to the constitutional problems, and is of the definite opinion that the only just, honorable and workable solution consists in welding the various units in Western Pakistan in to a single whole as outlined by Honorable the Prime Minster in his recent broadcast on this subject. This arraignment will not only accord with the basic economic and social realties of the situation, will not only promote substantial improvements in economy and administration, will not only fortify the unity and solidarity of the nation, but will facilitate an agreement between East and West Pakistan on a future pattern of Government based on equality, inter-dependence and cordial comradeship.

Finally, this Legislative Assembly recommends to the Government of Pakistan that in implementation of its considered opinion outlined above, speedy spates should be taken to achieve the unification of West Pakistan to arrive at a just and cordial settlement between the representatives of East and West Pakistan on their future constitutional relationship, and to hold new election thorough the country according to that agreed plan.

Mr. KHURSHID AHMAD: Sir, I have not been supplied with a copy of the resolution.

(A copy of the resolution was supplied to him)

The Honorable Mr. M.A.KHUHRO: Sir, with your permission, I would like to make a few observations.

POINT OF ORDER AS TO ADMISSIBLITY OF THE RESOLUTION

PIR ILLAHI BAKHSH: Sir, I ask for the ruling of the Chair on the admissibility of this Resolution. Sir, I submit that this resolution militates against the Government of India Act as adapted by Pakistan and also it militated against the spirit of the Basic principles Committee Report which had been adopted by the Constituent Assembly. I am not going into the merits of the Resolution, but I submit that it militates against the Government of India Act and the Basic Principles Committee Report. It also militates against the resolution that was adopted in October by the Constitute Assembly. Therefore this recommendation which is going to be made to the Pakistan government is null and void and ultra vireos. The government has no power to annul the existing law.

THE HONORABLE THE DEPUTY SPEAKER: Which Government?

PIR ILLAHI BAKASH: The Pakistan Government

Sir, I am very happy that we have today in you a presiding authority who is a lawyer, who understands law. This is a legal point which I want to be clarified. It is not confined to this House alone. It is a very important point which will go a long way to decide the fate of the millions of people here and other places in Pakistan. Sir, I draw your attention to the last paragraph of the resolution before the House. It reads:-

“Finally, this Legislative Assembly recommends to the Government of Pakistan that in implantation of its considered opinion outlined above, speedy steps should be taken to achieve the unification of west Pakistan to arrive at a just and cordial settlement between the representative of east and west Pakistan on their future constitutional relationship, and to hold new elections thought the country according to that agreed plan.”

THE HONORABLE THE DEPUTY SPEAKER: I want to know what your point of order is. No. speech can be allowed at this stage.

  The Honorable Mr. M.A.KHUHRO: Sir, there is no point of order.

PIR ILLAHI BAKSH: Sir, I do not yield. I am on my legs.

The Honorable Mr. M.A.KHUHRO: The honorable member is merely wasting the time of the House. He is not making out any point order or quoting any ruling in support of the point of order. If he wants to make a speech, he can make at a later stage.

PIR ILLAHI BAKSH: Sir, I take the shelter of the Chair.

I am on my legs and must be heard first.

Mr. SHAH NAWAZ PIRZADA: There is no point of the order. He is merely wasting the time of the House.

PIR ILLAHI BAKSH: There is no question of wasting the time of the House

THE HONORABLE THE DEPUTY SPEAKER: Can you show me how this resolution cannot be allowed under the Rules?

PIR ILLAHI BAKSH: Yes, Sir. This resolution cannot be allowed because it is against the established law. Only those things can be permitted to be discussed which are within the law and within the rules of the House. But this resolution goes against the existing law.

THE HONORABLE THE DEPUTY SPEAKER: Point out that law.

PIR ILLAHI BAKSH: Sir, I read to you section 46 of the Government of India Act, 1935. It reads.

“The following shall be Governor ‘s provinces that is to say, east Bengal, the Punjab, the north west frontier province, Sind and such other Governor’s Provinces as may be created under this Act.”

Sir, this law still exists. It has not been abrogated, it has not been repealed. Therefore, it is wrong to recommend a thing to the government which has no power to annul or repeal this law. It is the constituent Assembly which could do it, but they say the constituent Assembly is not there. We could make such a recommendation only to the constituent and against the law and it should be ruled out of order.

Then, Sir, I read out from the Basic Principles Committee Report (page 11), It says.

“The seats in the House of Units should be allocated to the capital of Federation and Units of west Pakistan as follows:”

Punjab, Sind, N.W.F.P, Tribunal areas, Bahawalpur, Baluchistan states, Khairpur state, Capital of Federation.

At another place in the report it is said (page 40) that Punjab shall have 90, Sind 30, N.W.F.P 25, Tribal areas 17, Bahawalpur 20, Baluchistan States 5, Khairpur state 4 and Capital of Federation 5.

Now, Sir, this report of the Basic principles Committee has been adopted by the Constituent Assembly. You will remember that you’re Prime Minster, before leaving for united state of America, had said that on the auspicious day of the birth of our beloved Quaid-i-Azam, we will have the Constitution ready made as a gift.

Sir, the whole basic Principles Committee report was adopted, as amendment, and Muhammad Ali formula was also adopted by the Constituent Assembly, which as a sovereign body. That point is still being argued. Now, because the Government of India Act exists and is still in operation in this country, the Basic Principles Committee Report has been adopted by the Constituent Assembly, where units are definitely shown. I submit that   Pakistan government as such no power to annul, alter or repeal the law of the land, unless there is some Constituent Assembly which can repeal. Therefore this resolution is ultra virus and it should be ruled out of order.

The Honorable PIR ALI MUHAMMAD RASHID: Sir, as you might have realized, this is no pint of order whatsoever in any sense of that unfortunate term. You must have noticed that the Honorable gentleman has quoted no rule or law whereby it can be urged that this motion moved by the Honorable Leader of the House was in any way ultra virus. All that he has quoted is section 40 of the Government of India Act. Now that section does not say that once a certain build-up has been brought into existence, there can be no motion for any improvement upon it. Then, sir, he has quoted the basic Principle Committee report. That report is a report of a committee, which as not been put into the shape of law. He refers to Muhammad Ali formula, which is not a law. He refers to announcements and he speaks of gifts and so on and so forth. All this, Sir, does not find any place on the Statue book of this country. Finally, I would like to quote here from the rulings of the chair of this very honorable house on this pint on page 38, ruling no. 204 says:

“Though a resolution may not raise an issue which could be said to be the primary concern of the provincial government, but when it deals with he making of a constitution. It is the fundamental concern of the provincial government because the provincial government has al ways got a voice in the constitution of the country and in the settlement of rights between the Central government and the provincial government. As such the resolution can be allowed. ”

Now, Sir, this is fatal for the purposes of both the points of order and for the Honorable gentleman who has moved it. With these words I submit that this is no point of order whatsoever and I hope you are not going to allow this type of point of order to impede the course of this debate.

The Honorable Mr. M.A.KHUHRO: I would say only a few words. In the first place, this is a recommendation from the Provincial Assembly consists of elected, accredited representatives of the people of the province. They have every rights and justification to make a recommendation to the Central government on a very vital issue like the constitution. The people of Sind have as much member who has wrongly objected to this resolution forgets that only recently the North West frontier Assembly and the Punjab Assembly has expressed their views on the subject.

Similar, this Sind Assembly has every justification to express their views on a vital issue of this nature. After all, it affects the interests of the country, and government of India Act is not the last word on the subject. Government of India Act is amended from time of time. It has gone through several changes in the course of the last seven years, since the time the state of Pakistan has come into being. Therefore, this very government of India act is apt to vary considerably, and this act can go under modification. It may be completely annulled and new constitution framed altogether for our country. Therefore, it is very strange to say that once the government of India act has been passed, this Legislature has no right to express its intention of making amendments to it. The Assembly has very right to make a recommendation. After all it is a recommendation; and I quite admit that the country and that the power lies with the higher government-the government at the centre-and it will be for the central government and the governor general to set up any constitutional body which will frame the constitutional for our country. This recommendation will be placed before them and many others. There may be other details and all those details will also be placed before them. This is merely a very brief resolution which gives you general outline, but that outline will have to be, the picture will have to be, filled, and that final picture will be filled by that body, the picture will they will prepare the constitution on those lines as are recommended by the people of the country, and the people of the country are the final authority. They will be allowed to say whatever they have to say about their future constitution, in a democratic set-up, in a democratic country, and, therefore, Sir, this object is absolutely wrong and illegal, and I would request the chair to rule it out.

    THE HONORABLE THE DEPUTY SPEAKER: I disallow the objection.

ONE UNIT RESOLUTION: (Discussion)

The Honorable Mr. M.A.KHUHRO: Sir, I owe duty to this Legislature and to the people of my province to explain why I have brought this resolution in this session of the Legislature for the deliberate consideration by the representatives of the people of my province. This resolution deals with the subject of a very vital and important nature. It makes recommendations on certain points of vital issue which concern the making of the future constitution of our country. This House is aware, and, Sir the people of this province at large are aware, that after great struggle, troubles, tribulations and difficulties that we had to face for several years, we have achieved this state of Pakistan, the homeland of the nationals of this country. More than seven years have elapsed, and yet, unfortunately, we have not got any constitution for our country. I have very clearly and vividly given you the picture of the constituent Assembly that was charged with the takes of proceeding with the deliberations for the framing of the constitution for our country, and that body, that august body, has failed after seven long years-seven years were not considered adequate-to frame finally the constitution and order elections on those lines. Lately, Sir, that body degenerated into groups and party cliques, resulting in the ultimate threat of ruining our country and our administration.

THE HONORABLE THE DEPUTY SPEAKER: May I remind the Honorable the Leader of the House that he should address the chair.

The Honorable Mr. M.A.KHUHRO: Yes, I am addressing the chair, but I am speaking in this way so that Honorable Members may listen.

Sir, after all, is it not shameful for our country that for such a long time, the constitution should not be framed, and we still run government of the country on the lines of the government of India act, an act which was made by an alien government who ruled over this country for nearly two centuries and still we continue to have that very government of India. It should be a Pakistan state’s act, although we do not form any part of India.  It should be a Pakistan state’s act; it should no more he the government of India act. All possible methods should be adopted, that a body, a constitutional body of a reasonable number of members, should start deliberating and give us a constitutional within a reasonable time.

Sir, I think everyone will agree with me, and the country at large agrees, as you must have noticed from the press and platform that people have completely denounced the constituent Assembly, which as entrusted with the task of framing the constitutional. It completely outlived its usefulness, and, therefore, the Governor-General has done the right thing and saved the country, and we expect of him and his government to take further steps to see that a proper body is setup at an early date to give us the final shape of the constitutional under which we can have the duly and properly elected representatives of our people to run the government on democratic lines.

Sir, as far as the recommendations contained in this resolution are concerned, these recommendations are the paramount duty of this Assembly to make, and they vitally affect the people of our country. Sir, from experience we have seen that small units do not add to the prestige of a country or help the economy and progress of a country, but they are a considerable hindrance in the way of the progress of the country. Any country torn into small bits, where each little bit comprising of a population of three lakhs, tow lakhs and five   lakhs, gets the status of a province with a Legislature, a Governor and a set of Ministers, may I ask, Sir, what will be left of the finances of that country to develop and ameliorate the conditions of its people. The masses, the toiling millions of people of our country, continue to remain as poor as they were ever before, and it is the paramount duty of the representatives of the people to see that the conditions of our people improve. Every pie should be saved for the good of the people, instead of being wasted on unnecessary luxuries, political or otherwise. We should not be so much interested in large number of Ministers, Parliamentary Secretaries and Advisors. We should spend of the money on things best suited for the progress of the people who have entrusted us with the duty to help them and run the government for them, for the good of the people and not for unnecessary frivolities. I think, Sir, people at large have appreciated my steps of having given you and started government with a small number of Ministers who are working large number of hours every day. We are giving every ounce of our energy for the benefit of the people of our province. We expect that the future setup in the ‘One Unit’ Government will do the same for the people of the areas under their control.

I must, Sir, during the course of these observations also thank the people of the Punjab, the leaders particularly, who have agreed to give weight age to the people of backward areas who are less advanced than them, and I hope that we shall have at least 60 percent of representatives in the future Assembly of ‘One Unit’ as against 40 percent for the Punjab.

A wrong propaganda has been carried on by interested persons who want to create trouble and friction in the country, that all the lands of the Sind Province would be usurped by the people from the Punjab and waters of the Indus will the diverted by the people of the Punjab, and the services, provincial subordinate and superior, shall be controlled by the people of the Punjab, and the people of Sind shall be turned into hewers of wood and drawers of water. Nothing of the kind. This is absolutely untrue. No government can sustain itself for a day that adopts such arbitrary methods and we would certainly not have agreed to such a thing in the interests of the people of this province which is definitely backward in many respects and many directions. The land of the people of the Punjab and the people of shall be turned into hewers of wood and drawers of water the land of the people of Sind is for the people of Sind.  They shall have preference over land and, particularly, I ask for the preference of the people the masses of the province of the province, the cultivators, and the ‘hars’.

 In the Lower Sind Barrage-which is now, thank God, nearing completion- we shall be able to get water bye the middle of next year for the next Kharif corp., at least on the left bank, especially on the short supply given by Kotri Barrage, and, in the course of a year or two, on the right bank as well. These lands will be properly reserved for the people of the province, the agriculture, the  small men, and even, the bigger areas shall first be the right of the people of those areas and ‘haris’. Any surplus land that remains can then be allotted to the people from outside. After all, the population of the province is to be increased.

The culture and language of the Province shall not be affected. Then Sindhi language shall remain in the areas and the Courts and the government departments where it has always been and shall continue so hereafter also, but Urdu shall be the language of Pakistan as a whole. This is quite different from mixing the two things. Two languages and two things must not be mixed up please make it clear in your minds that the language of Sindhi is for the people of Sindhi, for the local administration and local consideration and all that, and the expenditure that is incurred and local consideration and all that, and the expenditure that is incurred is developing the Sindhi literature and making it popular, will continue to be spent to the Sindhi literature. But you must realize that in bigger administration and bigger areas beyond the border of Sind, Sindhi language cannot be understood. If you cross Reti, you will find as if you are not in the province of Sind and no body will understand your language in the North. Similarly, if you go to Sibi, no body will follow your language. You have got Pakistan, which is one of the biggest Muslim states: you cannot expect; it is not practical proposition. The only by the Urdu language; and Sir, I must also say that your interests, the interests of the people of our province, shall be fully safeguard in the matter of provincial and subordinate service. Of course the higher and superior services are to be filled by competition, and there also the backward areas will get a fait deal and we shall see to that. We shall have our proper share in the conferences of those who will come to decide these affairs and to deliberate. I, for one, assure you that I shall fight for your rights and legitimate interests.

Sir, we must move with the times. Now we are passing through different times and, therefore, we must have wider vision. We must behave, feel and act as Pakistan, as citizens of Pakistan state and we should forget to look and behave in a narrow sphere, that we are Sindhis and we are Punjabis or we are the Pathans and Baluchs and extinguish those rivalries for bigger progress and bigger interests. You should have bigger vision and you should feel that this is the only way you can defend your country and go forward, march forward, shoulder to shoulder with rest of he nations of the world that are progressing today.

Therefore I appeal to the people of my province, I appeal through you to the members of this Legislature, that they should see that our country develops and prospers, that our country has wider vision, that our people become progressive. We shall se that every pie is spent on education and civilization of our people. Education is a paramount consideration of every national of any civilized country. Sir, we shall see that education gets the proper place in the future set up. I am sure, Sir, that this province of ours will benefit more in the future set up, more and more money will be released for the benefit of the people, and the poor and uneducated masses Insha Allah shall be educated, whether young or old; all adults must be taught and rapid progress shall be made as made by civilized countries like turkey who made progress in a few years and every person there is literate. We hope that our government and our people will hear in mind that education is a paramount consideration and we shall have full benefit of it. All monies that will thus be saved, which  are now being spend on a unnecessary small provinces secretaries, big Assemblies, big Ministers, Governors, so on and so forth; all this national wealth which is being unduly wasted, shall be saved for the development and the progress of the country. I therefore, Sir, commend to this honorable House the resolution that I have moved today. Which I have the Honor of moving today- and I hope, Sir, the House will pass it, unmeant where it has always been and shall continue so hereafter also, but mousy and see that Sind  also progress and goes forward shoulder to shoulder with the rest of the provinces of Pakistan.

PIR ILLAHI BAKHSH: Sir, on a point of information, should we move amendments first and then speak or we should speak on the resolution and then again on the amendments? I have already given three amendments and which you may lay down.

THE HORNORABLE THE DEPUTY SPEAKER: You should have moved amendments before the speech was made on the resolution.

PIR ILLAHI BAKSHSH: Sir, the resolution has been formally moved and I have already given my amendments and they should be put now when the resolution is being taken up for discussion. It is for the chair to call upon me to move the amendments. That is the procedure.

THE HONORABLE THE DEPUTY SPEAKER: What is the stage at which your amendments should be moved?

PIR ILLAHI BAKHSH: As soon as the resolution is moved. The resolution is moved and I have already given the amendments and I should have been called upon to move my amendments.

The Honorable Mr. M.A.KHUHRO: Sir, in the first place I object because the honorable member has lost his opportunity. As soon as I moved formally the resolution and you put it before the house, that was the time when the should have got up and moved his amendments, but not after the speech has been made. My second objection is that they are not amendments at all but they are independent resolutions, independent altogether of my resolutions. One amendment says that there should be unitary from of government, not two unit governments but unitary form of government; anther amendment of his says that Sind should be excluded altogether from the Western Unit of the bearing on this subject. So even otherwise on merits they cannot be admitted because they have no bearing on the motion which I have moved. Amendments must come within the framework of the resolution, but these amendments go far beyond the resolution. The Honorable Member should have given independent resolutions at the proper time. On these grounds the honorable member should not be allowed to move his amendments.

PIR ILLAHI BAKHSH: Sir, rules 47, 48, 49 & 50 relate to amendment. Rule 47 says that the amendment must be relevant to and within the scope of the motion to which it is proposed. Now, Sir takes up the amendments one by one and sees whether it is relevant or not. That   is to be decided by the Chair.

Rule 48 says that an amendment may not be moved which has merely the effect of a negative vote. That is to say a negative amendment is accepted. That is for you to decide.   

Rule 50 deals with amendment to amendment.

Now, here, Sir, I have taken the first opportunity, and have given my amendments even before the resolution was formally moved. Now, when the resolution was formally moved, my amendments were there already before you. It is for you to say whether they should be taken up now or after the speeches on the man resolution are made. There is nothing in the rules which lies down that I shall to move my amendments just after the resolution is moved. I have, as I said, actually given my amendments and there has been no delay. There has been no voting on the resolution, nothing of that sort has happened. The honorable mover has given us a brief speech in which he has gives a good account of this side. Therefore I submit that my amendment may be taken up one by one and if the chair rules them out, it is a different thing altogether. But I submit that I must be given an opportunity to move my amendments. The rules are very clear on this point.

THE HONORABLE THE DEPTUY SPEAKER: But you should have been prompt to move your amendments.

The honorable PIR ILLAHI BAKAHSH:  But I must have the permission of the chair, I cannot move them without the permission of the chair. It is a novel procedure which my friend is suggesting.

The Honorable PIR ALI MUAHMMAD RASHDI: Giving notice of amendments is quite different from moving them.

The HONORABLE THE DEPUTY SPEAKER: My ruling in this. The Honorable Member ought to have moved his amendments as soon as the chair finished the reading of the resolution and therefore all of them lapse. That is my ruling.

Mr. SHAH NAWAZ PIRZADA: Sir, I want to speak on this resolution.

THE HONORABLE THE DEPUTY SPEAKER: You will be given only 5, minutes.

Mr. SHAH NAWAZ PIRZADA: Yes, Sir.

Sir, the Honorable the leader of the house mentioned one point which struck me the most. He said it was a historic occasion and that put me immediately into thinking of the history I have read on this point. Sir, we notice that as nearly as 7 centuries before Christ wars occurred between the Greeks and the people of Troy who were known as Trojans. After the wars where over, the people of Troy went over to Italy and lived there and subsequently a new nation sprang up called the Roman nation, and it is know to all people that Romans ruled and dominated the world over full 1,000 years.

Again, Sir, we see that in England there lived people called Britons. Britons were very small people, but 3 or 4 centuries after Christ a wave of invasion or rather of people coming from Germany and other places called Anglo-Saxons occurred. As soon as Anglo-Saxons were settled in England, new nations arose there and we all know how those people dominated over the world.

Then, Sir, in very recent times, in about the year 1919, I had an occasion to go over to Egypt. There I saw with my own eyes how the character of the people of Egypt was being transformed before my very eyes. The settlements of Europeans in the midst of the Egyptians have driven out English from their land.

Now it appears to me that this unity will result in unification of the people. Nominally it will be a geographical unity, but in reality, in course of time, there will be unification of the people. We southerners, people of Sind, will be mixed up with the people of the North and the North West and within a short time, the young people whom I see before me-because I will not see it with my own eyes-they will see a new real Pakistani nation which will be a nation of great people. Now we talk like small people; we are a puny nation, but what occurs to me is that our beloved Governor-General who is an old man like myself, probably had a vision before his eyes, probably he has been a student of history- he had a vision of the great Roman nation. Therefore it occurred to him that the time of the people and there when he should also take the steps for the unifications of the people and there when he should also take the steps for the unification of the West Pakistan. It is our    good fortune that this great man has sprung up at the right time and he has given us a lead in the right direction for the creation of a new nation. Quaid-i-Azam gave us Pakistan and from our beloved Ghulam Muhammad we are going to get Pakistani nation. It is another good fortune for us that we have got an iron man in the person of Mr. Muhammad Ayoub Khuro, he great man of Sind who is going to give us also a proper share in that great nation; and another good fortune is that the greatest genius that Sind has ever produced is living right in our midst; I mean our melodramatic friend Mr. Rashdi (laughter).

Mr. SHAH NAWAZ PIRZADA: He is not a genius. He is a poor man like me. I will give the devil his due.

   I assure you that there is no fear at all. As long as these two people live, no Punjabi or Pathan can dominate over Sind. These two friends are more than a match for them all. I can assure you of that. We should only pray for their long life and that will be enough for us.

Let us go to great Akbar and see how he achieved the unification of the people of Hindustan. It was through marriages. I submit. Sir, that our Ministers at least should practice polygamy. (Laughter). All the big men should practice polygamy, the young M.L.As; the young rich men can indulge in this luxury. (Laughter).  I say it is not a matter of laughter. We have the tradition of our Prophet. Why did the Prophet marry so many wives, only because he wanted to make the people one and I recommend that people should resolve to have more than 2 or 3 wives? This will bring about unity and make the people as one.

Another small suggestion is that students are the proper people who can bring about this unification. Unfortunately, under the misguidance of interested people, they took wrong steps and they went astray and began to cry against the unification. I would suggest to them, and also the honorable ministers, that there should be a rule that in every college in the frontier and the Punjab, there should be at least ten to twenty students of Sind, and similarly, in our won colleges we should have students from the Punjab and frontier to study. It is only the young people who will bring about unification. We need people of large hearts who can bring about unification. I appeal to the students-unfortunately they are not present there, but I hope the press people will carry my view to them. The students should call of the Prime Minister and tell him that instead of Rs. 30/ you should give up say Rs. 50/- and we will study in Lahore and Peshawar and we will be ambassadors of unity. I also say on the floor of the House that I will take promise on Quran from those 70 students whom I give scholarship that when they grow up and study making money, they should marry from province different from their own. Honorable Ministers should also give a promise that they will marry from different provinces. Sir, that is very necessary. People from our province should go to other provinces and people from other provinces should come here. We must take practical steps to unify. If we today at least our learned speaker will make a beginning and will announce that within a month he will have a second wife.

مسٽر سيرومل ڪرپالداس:- جناب صدر- اڄ اسان جي اڳيان نهايت اهم مسئلو هڪ ريزوليشن جي صورت ۾ پيش ٿيو آهي. هن مسئلي تي آنربل ميمبر صاحبان مونکان اڳ ۾ گهڻو ئي ڪي ڳالهايو آهي. مان به چند الفاظ عرض ڪندس. مسئلي تي ڳالهائڻ کان اڳ ۾ هڪ عرض ڪندس ته آنربل ليڊر آف دي هائوس ۽ ٻيا آنربل ميمبر صاحبان جن انگريزي ۾ جي تقريرون ڪيون آهن سي صاحب جي سنڌي زبان ۾ ڳالهائين ها ته کين نقصان ڪو نه پوي ها بلڪه فائدو ڇاڪاڻ جو اڌ کان گهڻا آنربل ميمبرصاحب سنڌي خواندان آهن ۽  تقريرون ٻڌي ضرور مٿن اثر ٿئي ٿا.

اڪثر مخالف پارٽي وارن مان مخالفت جي اميد رکي ويندي آهي پر هر حالت ۾ ائين نه ٿيندو آهي. مان مخالف پارٽيءَ جي ليڊر جي حيثيت ۾ هن ريزوليشن جي تائيد ٿو ڪريان جنهن جا سبب هن ريت عرض ٿو ڪريان.

هن مسئلي تي پريس، پليٽ فارم ۽ ريڊيو تقريرن وغيره دوران ڪافي روشني وڌي ويئي آهي. هن مسئلي جي مخالفت جا مکيه ٻه سبب آهن. هڪ Sentimental   ته سنڌ ۽ سنڌيءَ جو نالو هيٺ لاءِ گم ٿي ويندو ۽ ٻيو ته اسان جو ڪلچر يعني تهذيب ۽ اسان جي سنڌي ٻولي، اسان جي سنڌين جا حق، نوڪريون وغيره ۽ زمينون وغيره سڀني تي وڏي صوبه پنجاب جو ضابطو ٿيندو.

مان پهرين هن پهلويءَ تي ڳالهائيندس. اهي ٻئي انديشا فقط سنڌ جي صوبي لاءِ ڪو نه آهن. سڀني ننڍن صوبن، صوبه سرحد، بهاولپر، خيرپور، بلوچستان وغيره سڀني کي ساڳيا آهن. باوجود انهن انديسن ڄاڻن جي سڀني صوبن جي اسيمبلين ون يونٽ ريزوليشن پاس ڪيو آهي. ائين چئون ڇا ته انهن صوبن جا ليڊر گهٽ وطن پرست patriots  آهن.

باقي جيڪو انديشو اسان جي ٻولي، نوڪرين ۽ زمينن وغيره بابت آهي ان لاءِ اسان جي پرائيم منسٽر صاحب پنهنجي تقرير دوران ننڍن صوبن کي خاطري ڏياري آهي ته اهي حق سندن قانون بلڪل محفوظ رکيا ويندا، پوءِ باقي مخالفت جو ڪجي تنهن جو سبب مونکي ڪو به ڏسڻ ۾ ڪو نه ٿو اچي.

هاڻ مان ٻڌائينداس ته جي نقصان نه آهي ته فائدا ڪهڙا آهن:-

1.                    سنڌ کي ڌار صوبه رهڻ کي partition  کانپوءِ ست سال ٿيا آهن ۽ بمبئي صوبي کان الڳ ٿئي 17 سال ٿيا آهن.

2.                    انهن 17 سالن ۾ ملڪ جي امن امان جي حالت ڏينهون ڏينهن بدتر يعني خراب ٿيندي ويئي آهي، غريبن کي رات جو ننڊ ڪانهي، صرف انهيءَ هڪ سبب جي ڪري ئي آئون هوند چوان ته ڪو به نئون نظام هن نظام کان بهتر آهي.

3.                    ٻيو ته ڪروڙين رپيا هن ون يونٽ جي جدا جدا صوبن ۾ انتظام تي خرچ ٿي رهيا آهن. ڪيترا نه گورنر، سندن سيڪريٽرين، وزير، اسيمبلين وغيره آهن. ون يونٽ ۾ هڪ گورنر، هڪ وزارت ۽ محدود تعداد ميمبرن جو هوندو. ڪروڙين رپيا بچي پوندا جي اجايا بي ويا. هاڻي اهي ڪروڙين رپيا ملڪ جي هنرن (industries) تي خرچ ٿيندا. ڪيترو نه ملڪ واڌارو ڪندو.

ٻيو ته تنگ صوبائي ذهنيت گهڻي ڀاڱي غائب ٿي ويندي، جنهن جي ڪري اسان جي پاڪستان جي وجود ايندي.

هن ريزوليشن  جي مخالفت ڪرڻ وارا عام ماڻهو صوبي جا بلڪل ڪو نه آهن. هنن کي ته گهرجي هڪ کاڌو ۽ ٻيو امن امان. اهي ڪهڙي به صورت ۾ هنن کي ميسر ئي ملن ته هو راضي. باقي سچ پچ ته مخالفت وارا آهن وڏا ماڻهو ويچار ڪريو ته اڄ هن صوبي مان اسيمبلي ميمبر 111 آهن پوءِ رهندا 50 يعني 61 گهٽ ضرور آهي 61 اسان جيڪي آنربل ميمبر آهيون تن مان اهو 61 جو تعداد گهٽندو پوءِ مخالفت ڪيئن نه ڪنداسون. 12 هئا وزير پوءِ ٿيندا 2. چڱو جو 12 وزرين جي زحمت قدرت سنڌ تان اڳيئي لاهي ڇڏي. جي نه نته وڏي مخالفت اهي وزيرڪن ها. شڪر جو هنيئر فقط 3 وزير آهن.

هڪ ٻيو ته وڏو سبب اهو آهي جو سنڌ جو وڏو آزمايل سپاهي جنهن ويچاري گهڻو ڪجهه صوبو سنڌ لاءِ سٺو آهي اڄ اهو آنربل کهڙو صاحب سنڌ جو وڏو وزير ۽ هن هائوس جو ليڊر آهي ۽ ساڻس ساٿي هڪ روش دماغ آنربل راشدي صاحب آهي. انهن سوچي سمجهي پوءِ اهي ريزوليشن هن هائوس جي اڳيان پيش ڪيو آهي. اهي ڪڏهن به سنڌ سان غداري نه ڪندا ۽ اسان جو منهنجن وشواس هئڻ  گهرجي ته سندن هٿ ۾ اسان جي صوبي جا حق بلڪل محفوظ رهندا . انهن سڀني سببن ٻڌائڻ بعد مان پنهنجي پاران پنهنجي مخالفت پارٽي اقليت قوم جي پاران جن جا 5 اسان هت عيوضي آهيون، هن ريزوليشن جي تائيد ٿو ڪريان.

Mr. SIROOMAL KIRPALDAS (Translating of Sindhi Speech) Sir, a most important and vital matter in the form of a resolution has been presented before this Honorable House. Several honorable members have already spoken on this subject. I shall also say a few words. But before I say anything, I would remark that it would have been better if the honorable the leader of the house and others who spoke in English had done so in Sindhi. This would have done a great deal of good, because more than half the member of honorable members in this house is Sindhi-knowing and if they had heard the speeches in Sindhi, it would have created some impression on them.

Usually it is expected that there will be opposition form the Opposition Benches. But in my capacity as the Leader of the Opposition, I rise to support this resolution. I do so far the following reasons.

Much light has been thrown on this question both in the press and on the platform and the radio.  It appears to me that there are chiefly two reasons for opposing. It appears to me that there are chiefly two reasons for opposing it. One is sentimental. It is based on the apprehension that the name of Sind and Sindhi will for ever disappear. Second is in service, in land etc, will be largely affected by the dominant influence of the Punjab, the bigger province.

I shall deal with the first. Sind is not the only province which should feel these apprehensions, but they could be equally interminable by other smaller provinces, such as N.W.F.P., Bahawalpur, Khairpur, Baluchistan, etc., etc. They also are affected. Knowing these apprehensions, the Assembles of these smaller provinces have passed this One Unit resolution. How can we say that the Leaders of those provinces were less patriotic?   

Now remains the fear about our Sindhi Language, service, the land, etc. One this question, our Prime Minister in his speeches has given assurances that the rights of the people of existing units will be kept in tact. Therefore, I really cannot see why there should be any kind of opposition at al!

It is thus clear that no harm will result; on the contrary, I would like to point out that definite advantages will accrue.

Sind has remained a separate province for seven years after the partition and 17 years after separation from Bombay. During all these 17 ye4ars conditions in the province have deteriorated, specially law and order, so much so that the poor people are not able to have sound sleep at night. For this one reason alone, I would prefer any kind of administration to the present one.

Another point is that cores of rupees are being spent every year on the administration of the several provinces in West Pakistan, such as on Governors, Secretariat, Ministers, Legislatures, etc, etc. In the One Unit there will be only one Governor, one Cabinet and a limited number of Members. Corers of rupees will be saved. These saving of corers of rupees could then be spent on industrialization of the country. The country would thus progress to a great extent.

Formation of one unit will also, to a considerable extent, put and end to the ideas of narrow provincialism and will result in the unity and integrity of Pakistan.

Opposition to one unit does not come from the people of the province. The common man wants only food and safety. He will be satisfied with any Government that can give him these things. The real opposition is form the wealthy class. Just consider that this province of ours has 111 representatives in its legislature. After the formation of one unit, the province will get hardly 50 members, that is to say 61 members less. Then how can the member not oppose? Formerly this province has twelve Ministers; hereafter we will get hardly two Ministers from Sind. I must say that it is fortunate that this burden of twelve Ministers has already been removed; otherwise you would have had stiff opposition from these to Ministers. We should really feel grateful that we have now only 3 Ministers.

Another important reason is that at present we are fortunate that an experienced soldier of our province, one who has suffered a lot for our province- I refer to honorable Mr. Khuhro-is today our Chief Minister and the leader of this house, and we are equally lucky that honorable Pir Rashdi, an enlightened and wise man, is his comrade and colleague. After due consideration, they have brought this resolution before this honorable house. They can never prove traitors to the province. We should have full confidence that in their hands our rights will be safeguarded.

For all these reasons, I on my own behalf and on behalf of the Opposition, and on behalf of the people of this province, support the resolution.

مسٹر محمد اشفاق صدیقی:- جناب صدر! میں آنربل لیڈر آف دی ہائوس، عزت مآب محمد ایوب کھوڑو صاحب کی خدمت میں مبارکباد پیش کرتا ہوں کہ انہوں نے آج سندھ کی تاریخ میں ایک نمایاں باب کا اضافہ کیا ہے۔ ایک ایسا تاریخی ریزولیشن پیش کیا ہے جس کی اس وقت ہم کو اشد ضرورت تھی۔

جناب والا! صوبہ سندھ! وہ پہلا صوبہ ہے کہ جس نے پاکستان کے نظریہ کو سب سے اول قبول کیا اور اس نیت سے قبول کیا کہ پاکستان بننے کی بعد بھی اسکے استحکام اور اسکی سالمیت کیلئے وہ (سندھ) ھر قربانی کو اول سمجھیگا وہ کبھی بس و پیش نہیں کریگا۔ یہ ہماری بدقسمتی ہے کہ مغربی پاکستان کو ایک یونٹ بنانے کے سلسلے میں ہم سندھی کچھ پیچھے رہ گئے ہیں۔ اسکی وجوہات آپ خود جاننے ہیں۔ ایسے مفاد پرست سرمایہ دار اور خود غرض لوگ حکومت کے برسر اقتدار تھے اور وہ صوبائی  عصیبت کو ہوا دے رہے تھے۔ وہ ملک و قوم سے غداری کر رے تھے انہوں نے  ایسے زھریلے جراثیم ہمارے صوبے میں پھیلا دیئے  تھے کہ ہمارے لئے ایک مشکل پیدا ہوگئی تھی لیکن خدا کا  لاکھ کالک شکر ہے کہ وہ دستور ساز اسمبلی نہ رہی۔ اور وہ حکومت جس نے حکومت- ملکی اور قوم کیلئے ایسے خراب عناصر پیدا کردئے تھے ختم ہوگئی۔ آج ہم و تمام خرابیان دور کرنیکی غرض سے ایک تجویز پیش کررہے ہیں اور میں اپنا فرض سمجھتا ہوں کہ اس تجویز کی تائید میں ان تمام حضرات  کی جانب سے جو سندھ میں آباد ہیں تائید کروں۔ جناب والا! لیڈر آف دی ہائوس نے بہت ہی وضاحت کیساتھ آپ کے سامنے سب نکات پیش کردئے ہیں اور میں سمجھتا ہوں کہ اب کوئی مزید ایسی بات مجھے نہیں  کہنی چاہئے جس سے آپ کا قیمتی وقت ضایع ہو۔ لیکن اایک جو بات میرے ذہن میں ہے وہ بتا دینا چاہتا ہوں۔ جب کہ صوبہ سرحد، پنجاب، ریاست، بہاولپور، ریاست  خیرپور اور دیگر states نے ایک یونٹ کے نظریہ کو قبول لیا ہے اور صرف ایک ہمارا ہی صوبہ ہے کہ جواب قبول کرنیوالا ہے تو ایسی صورت میں جو لوگ اسکی مخالفت کرتے ہیں۔ ان کے لئے دو راستے رہ جاتے ہیں ایک راستہ وہ کہ صوبہ سندھ پاکستان سے بالکل الگ ہوجائے  یا وہ ہندوستان  سے ملحق ہو جائے۔ لیکن مخالفت کرنے والے کبھی اس بات پر غور نہیں کرتے کہ کیا صوبہ سندھ پاکستان سے علحدہ ہو سکتا ہے کیا صوبہ سندھ کے رہنے والے اس چیز کو برداشت کر سکتے ہیں کہ وہ ہندوستان میں شامل ہو جائیں یا ایک یونٹ کی مخالفت کرنے والے کو مخالفت کرے سے پہلے یہ سوچ لینا  چاہیئے کہ آیا ہم پاکستان کے سچے وفادار  ہیں۔ اسکے بعد اپنا نظریہ پیش کرنا چاہئے۔ اسکے (یعنی ایک یونٹ کے) فوائد مقرریں نے یہ بیان کئے ہیں کہ جہالت دور ہوجائیگی۔ بہتر نظم و نسق ہوگا۔ اور خوشحالی ہوگی لیکن اس سے کہیں زیادہ ضروری بات ہے اتحاد- میں سمجھتا ہوں ایسا اتحاد قائم ہوجائیگا کہ جسی وجہ سے پاکستان مضبوط ہوجائیگا اسکی سالمیت کو کبھی خطرہ نہیں ہوگا۔

آخر میں اپنے محترم لیڈر آف دی ہائوس کی خدمت میں مبارکباد پیش کرتا ہوں۔ میں اتنا جانتا ہوں کہ سندھ  کی تاریخ میں انہوں نے بچپن سے نمایاں حصہ لیا ہے۔ سندھ کی حفاظت کیلئے جو کچھ نہوں نے کیا ہے اسکے لئے سندھ کی تاریخ شاہد ہے۔ اسکو ہم کبھی فراموش نہیں کر سکتے۔ انہوں نے لاڑکانہ کے فلک سیاست پر ایک ستارہ کی شکل میں جنم لیا اور آج سندھ کے فلک سیاست پر بدر کامل بن کر اپنی روشنی سے  ہر ذرہ کو فیض یاب کر رہے ہیں۔ سندھ کی سرزمین نے اگر ان پر یہ  احسان کیا ہے۔ تو میں یہ بھی کہہ سکتا ہوں کہ انہوں نے بھی سندھ کے ہر ذرہ کو آفتاب بنا دیا ہے۔

لیڈر آف دی ہائوس اور انکے ساتھی آنریبل راشدی صاحب نے ایسے وقت میں مدد کی ہے کہ جسکی اشد ضرورت تھی۔ انہوں نے وہ چیز عوام کے سامنے پیش کی ہے کہ لوگوں کی آنکھوں کو روشن کردیا ہے۔ ہماری دستور ساز اسمبلی بے جان تھی۔ لوگ ایسا زہر پھیلا رھے تھے کہ جس سے ملک کی سالمیت کو خطرہ تھا۔ لیکن خدا نے اس سے ہمیں چھٹکارہ دلایا۔ میں ان الفاظ کے ساتھ ایک یونٹ کے حق میں تائید کرتا ہوں اور امید کرتا ہوں کہ ہمارے لیڈر آف دی ہائوس کی قیادت میں سندھ کے تمام حقوق کی حفاظت ہوسکیگی۔

Mr. MUHAMMAD ASHFAQUE SIDDIQUI (Translation of Urdu speech) Sir, I rise to congratulate Honorable the leader of the House. Mr. Muhammad Ayub Khuhro, for a adding a new chapter to the history of Sind. He has presented in this honorable house a historic resolution, which we needed the most at this juncture.

Sir, the province of Sind was the first province to have accepted the idea of Pakistan. They did so with the intention that even after the establishment of Pakistan, they will be prepared to sacrifice their all for the maintenance and consolidation of Pakistan. It is, however, unfortunate that we Sindhi have lagged behind in the matter of welding West Pakistan into one unit. The causes are well known to you. Self-seekers and capitalists were at the helm of affairs and were fanning the fire of provincialism. They were traitors to the country and the nation. They had spread such poison in our province that it became an obstacle to our progress. Thanks God, that the constituent Assembly and the government which created these malignant influences are now finished. In order to whip out all those evils, this resolution is being presented before the house. I accordingly consider it my duty to support this resolution on behalf of the people of Sind and those who have now been settled in it.

Sir, the leader of the house, has very comprehensively and ably dealt with the various points in conception with this matter and I think there is hardly anything left over for me on which I should take the precious time of the house. But I want to emphasis only one point. The N.W.F.P, the Punjab, Bahawalpur State, Khairpur state and other stated have already accepted the principle of one unit and only our province is left to accept it. In these circumstances for those who oppose this proposal, there are only two alternatives left. The first is that the province of Sind should become altogether a separate entity and the other is that it should go to India.

Those who oppose it do not ever consider how the province of Sind can stand apart from the rest of Pakistan. Will the people of Sind ever tolerate the idea that their province should become part of India? The opponents to the one unit before expressing their opposition should think of their allegiance to Pakistan. The preceding speakers have shown that one unit will help better administration in the country, ameliorate the conditions of the common man, banish illiteracy and bring general prosperity; but the most important thing is ‘Unity’. In my opinion one unit will inculcate in the people a sense of unity to such an extent that Pakistan will grow stronger and be free from any danger to its stability.

In conclusion, I once again offer my congratulations to the honorable leader of the house. I know that he has played a prominent role in the history of Sind from his childhood. The history of Sind bears an eloquent testimony to his services for the consolidation of Sind, which we can never forget. I go so far as to say that in the dying flame he has put new and brighter light. In the political firmament of his district of Larkana, he was born as a shining star and today in the political life of Sind he is like a full moon bathing in his own lights everything. If the soil of Sind has brought him up to this position, I can say that he too in turn has converted colleague, Honorable Mr. Rashid, have rendered help when it was needed most. They have placed an object before the common man which has brought light to banish of darkness. Our Constituent Assembly was a dead body. It was spreading such a poison that the very stability of Pakistan was in jeopardy. But God has rescued us from the machinations of that body.

Sir, with these few words I support this resolution and am is sure that under the guidance and able leadership of our worthy leader of the House, all the interests of Sind and its people will he safeguarded.

   

   

مسٽر جي ايم ڀرڳڙي:- صاحب صدر- آءٌ هن ريزوليشن جي مخالفت ڪريان ٿو. آنربل ليڊر آف دي هائوس پنهنجي تقرير ۾ ڄاڻايو آهي ته ڇاڪاڻ ته پاڪستان جي دستور ساز اسيمبلي پاڪستان جو دستور ستن سالن جي اندر ٺاهي نه سگهي آهي انهيءَ جي ڪري پاڪستان مشڪلاتن ۾ مبتلا ٿي ويو آهي. انهيءَ ڪري پاڪستان جي سياست تي ڳرو اثر پيو آهي انهيءَ ۾ آءٌ صدر صاحب سان متفق راءِ آهيان ته دستور ساز اسيمبلي پنهنجي فرض ادائي ۾ ناڪامياب ٿي آهي، جنهن جا سبب هي هئا جو پاڪستان جا جيڪي ميمبر دستور ساز اسيمبليءَ ۾ چونڊيا ويا هئا اهي تقسيم هند پاڪستان جي اڳ جا چونڊيل هئا ۽ مسلم ليگ جي جي نعره پاڪستان تي چونڊيل هئا. پاڪستان ٿيڻ بعد مسلم ليگ پنهنجي حڪومت جي وجود کي برقرار رکڻ لاءِ انهن ميمبرن کي دستور سازي جو ڪم سونپيو ويو جي ان جي اهل هرگز نه هئا تنهنڪري مفيد ثابت نه ٿيا ۽ ملڪ جي بربادي ۽ ناڪاميابي جو باعث بڻيا. ۽ جڏهن مسلم ليگ کي ايسٽ پاڪسان جي اليڪشن ۾ شڪست نصيب ٿي ان وقت دستور ساز اسيمبليءَ کي پنهنجو پاڻ ختم ڪرڻ کپندو هو جو هنن ائين نه ڪيو. پر هاڻي جناب گورنر جنرل صاحب ڪانسٽيٽونٽ  اسيمبلي کي ختم ڪيو  ۽ ظاهر ڪيائين ته ڇاڪاڻ ته ڪانسٽيٽونٽ  اسيمبلي ڪانسٽيٽيوشن ٺاهڻ ۾ ناڪامياب ٿي آهي ۽ آخرين طاقت عوام جي هٿ ۾ آهي تنهنڪري اهو قدم عوام جي حق ۾ ٿيندو. جناب گورنر جنرل صاحب جي اهو قدم عوام جي حق ۾ ٿيندو. جناب گورنر جنرل صاحب جي انهيءَ اعلان تي ته آخرين طاقت عوام جي هٿ ۾ آهي ۽ عوام انهيءَ اميد ڪرڻ ۾ حق به جانب هو ته يا پاڪستان دستور ساز اسيمبلي جون نيون اليڪشنون سڌو عوام مان ڪرايون وينديون يا صوبن جون اسيمبليون ختم ڪري نيون اسيمبليون چونڊرايون وينديون ۽ نئين دستور ساز اسيمبلي چونڊجي اچڻ کانپوءِ ماڻهن جي مرضي مطابق پاڪستان جو دستور ٺاهيندي. هاڻي اها تعجب جهڙي ڳالهه آهي جو نئين عارضي حڪومت هنگامي حالتن ۾ برپا ٿيل دستور سازيءَ جا ڪم پنهنجي هٿ ۾ کنيا آهن. اڄ جيڪو ريزوليشن پاس ٿيڻ وارو آهي اهو سڀ اجايو آهي. مغربي پاڪستان ۾ صوبن جي وجود کي ختم ڪرڻ جا جيڪي مکيه دليل ڏنا ٿا وڃن سي تي آهن. 1. ته خرچ ۾ بچت ٿيندي، 2. هڪڙي صوبي جا ريسورسز آساني سان ٻين صوبن ۾ا ستعمال ٿي سگهندا ۽ صوبائي تعصب ختم ٿيندو ۽ ماڻهن ۾ اتفاق ۽ اتحاد قائم ٿيندو تنهنڪري پاڪستان جي مضبوطي ۽ سلامتي وڌيڪ ٿيندي.

انهن لاءِ منهنجو عرض آهي ته خرچ جي بچت ٻي طرح به ڪري سگهجي ٿي جيئن ته هن وقت 111 ميمبر آهن اڳ هن هائوس ۾ فقط 60 ميمبر هئا پر انهن ميمبرن جو تعداد 50 به ڪري سگهجي ٿو. اڳ 12 وزير هئا هاڻي فقط ٽي وزير آهن جن سان پڻ ڪاروبار هلي سگهي ٿو. گورنر فقط ڪانسٽيٽوشنل هيڊ آهي ٽن يا چئن صوبن لاءِ هڪڙو مقرر ڪري سگهجي ٿو. اهڙي طرح ڪيترن رستن سان خرچ جي بچت ٿي سگهي ٿي. اهو محض ماڻهن جي مرضي خلاف صوبن جي وجود کي ختم ڪرڻ لاءِ خرچ جو عذر ڏيئي ختم ڪيو وڃي ٿو. آئون آنربل ليڊر آف دي هائوس کي ياد ڏيارڻ چاهيان ٿو ته جڏهن صوبي سنڌ کي بمبئي کان جدا ٿئي ڪيو ويو تڏهن پڻ ان ڳالهه جي مخالفت ڪئي وئي هئي ته سنڌ پنهنجو خرچ جدا لاهي نه سگهندي مگر اها ڳالهه صوبي کي جدا ڪرڻ لاءِ ڪافي ڪا نه سمجهي ويئي ۽ سنڌ کي بمبئي کان جدا ڪري صوبو بڻايو ويو.

2. ٻين صوبن جي ريسورسز استعمال ڪرڻ لاءِ منهنجو عرض آهي ته جيڪڏهن سنڌ بلوچستان پنجاب بهاولپور جدا ملڪ هجن ها ته پوءِ اهو سوال پئدا ٿي سگهيو ٿي، پر ڇاڪاڻ ته ساڳي هڪڙي ملڪ اندر صوبا آهن تنهنڪري اهو سوال پئدا ٿي نٿو سگهي. ڇا نارٿ ويسٽ فرنٽيئر پنجاب کي بجلي ڏيڻ کان انڪار ڪندو يا اتاهون جا ماڻهو ائين چوندا ته ا ها طاقت اسان پنهنجي پاڻ کي هلاڪ ڪرڻ لاءِ ڪتب آڻينداسون مگر پنجاب جي صنعتن ۾ استعمال ڪرڻ نه ڏينداسين. يا سوئي گئس بلوچستان وارا بلوچستنا جي حد تي هوا ۾ اڏائي ڇڏن ها مگر سنڌ ۽ ڪراچي کي استعمال لاءِ نه ڏين ها. باقي سوال رهيو اتفاق ۽ اتحاد جو ان لاءِ آنربل ليڊر آف دي هائوس کي عرض ڪندس ته جيڪڏهن سنڌ جي عوام جي رضامندي حاصل ڪرڻ کانسواءِ هڪ يونٽ ٺاهيو ويندو  ته انهيءَ جا نتيجا خراب ۽ خطرناڪ نرڪندا جو ننڍن صوبن کي اڳيئي وڏي صوبي سان پراڻو Prejudice آهي ۽ هن قدم انهيءَ کي وڌيڪ نفرت ۾ تبديل ڪندو ۽ اتحاد ۽ اتفاق کي برقرار رکڻ ۽ صوبي پرستي کي مٽائڻ جي بجاءِ نفرت ۽ ناانصافي جي اها آگ ڀڙڪو کائيندي جو اڳتي هلي پوري پاڪستان کي ختم ڪرڻ جو سبب بڻجي سگهي ٿي ان مان اسان کي ڪهڙو فائدو ۽ سلامتي ملندي. اسان جو پرائيم منسٽر آف پاڪستان هن اسان جي ملڪ کان 1800 ميل دور جو رهاڪو آهي ان کي اسان جي اندروني حالتن جو پورو اندازو نه آهي. مگر آنربل ليڊر آف دي هائوس جو هتي جو باشندو ۽ پراڻو آزمودگار ۽ سياستدان آهي، ان کي منهنجو عرض آهي ته هي ريزوليشن واپس وٺي ۽ پرائيم منسٽر آف پاڪستان کي واضع ڪري ته هي سوال پاڪستان جي سلامتي جي واسطي نهايت خطرناڪ ثابت ٿيندو. آنربل پرائيم منسٽر آف پاڪستان پنهنجي ريڊيو نشري تقرير ۾ ڄاڻايو آهي ته يونيٽري ٽائيپ آف گورنمينٽ ملڪ جي واسطي بهترين طريقو هو مگر جاگرافيڪل سببن ڪري سڄي پاڪستان کي هڪ يڪو يونٽ ٺاهي نٿو سگهجي ڇاڪاڻ ته مشرقي پاڪستان جا ماڻهو پاڻ کي حڪومت جي ڪاروبار کان پري ۽ علحدو سمجهن ها. ان مان ظاهر آهي نه آنربل پرائيم منسٽر ماڻهن جي حب الوطني جو سهي اندازو نه لڳايو آهي مون کي يقين آهي ته مغربي پاڪستان جا ماڻهو هرگز اعتراض نه ڪندا ته پاڪستان جي دارالخلافه ڀلي مشرقي پاڪستان ۾ قائم ڪئي وڃي. بهرحال منهنجو شخصي نظريه هي آهي ته پاڪستان Multi-nation ملڪ آهي ۽ Federal Type of Government  ئي بهترين قسم جي گورنمينٽ پاڪستان لاءِ ثابت ٿي سگهي ٿي.

آنربل ليڊر آف دي هائوس پنهنجي تقرير ۾ ڄاڻايو آهي ته ون يونٽ اسڪيم ۾ سنڌ جا حقوق سلامت رهندا. مثلن سنڌ جون نوڪريون ۽ زمينون وغيره وغيره ۽ وڌيڪ اميد ڪئي اٿس ته انهن انجامن کانپوءِ سنڌين جا خطرات ۽ شبهات دور ٿي ويندا. انهيءَ لاءِ منهنجو آنربل هائوس کي عرض آهي ته سنڌ ئي نه رهندي ته پوءِ نوڪرين ۽ زمينن بابت انجام ڪنهن جي لاءِ ڪيا وڃن ٿا. ستن سالن ۾ ڪهڙا وعدا پورا ڪيا ويا آهن جهڙي طرح 1940ع واري لاهور ۾ مسلم ليگ ريزوليشن ۾ وعدو ڪيو ويو هو ته پاڪستان قائم ٿي وڃڻ کانپوءِ صوبن جي خودمختياري قائم رهندي جا صوبن جي خودمختياري اڄ ختم ڪئي ٿي وڃي. ٻيو ته سنڌ کان ڪراچي جدا ڪرڻ وقت پوري معاوضه ڏيڻ جو سنڌ کي انجام ڪيو ويو هو جو انهيءَ معاوضه مان سنڌ کي پنهنجو جدا تخت گاهه بڻائڻو هو پر اڄ ڏينهن تائين نه ڪراچي جو معاوضو مليو آهي ۽ نه وري سنڌ جو تخت گاهه ٺهيو آهي. ٽيون وعدو هيو جيڪو پرائيم منسٽر آف پاڪستان عوام سان ڪيو هو ته 25 ڊسمبر 1954ع تي قائداعظم جي ولادت جي ڏينهن پاڪستنا کي نئون دستور ڏنو ويندو سو واعدو به ختم ٿيو. آخر ڪهڙي ساک تي سنڌ جي عوام جي دلين تان خطره ۽ شقوق دفع ٿي سگهن ٿا. پاڪستان جي دستور ٺاهڻ جو مجاز صرف عوام جي چونڊيل دستور ساز اسيمبلي کي اختيار آهي. جيسين عوام جي چونڊيل دستور ساز اسيمبلي ته ٺاهي ويئي آهي تيسين ڪو به تڪڙو قدم کڻڻ ناجائز آهي. جيڪڏهن ستن سالن ۾ دستور نه ٺهيو آهي ته اهو ڪافي سبب نه آهي ته ماڻهن مٿان سندن مرضي خلاف ڪو دستور زوري مڙهيو وڃي خود الله تعاليٰ کي قرآن شريف جهڙي سچائي جي ماڻهن کي مڃائڻ ۾ به ٽيويهه سال لڳي ويا. حديث شريف ۾ آهي ته تڪڙا ڪم سڀ شيطان جا ٿيندا آهن. جيڪڏهن عوام جي مرضي خلاف ڪو به تڪڙو قدم کنيو ويو  ته عوام ان کي ٺڪرائي ڇڏيندو ۽ پاڪستان جي اتحاد ۽ سلامتي کي نقصان پهچائيندو. اهو مسئلو اهڙو آهي جو هزار ۾ جيڪڏهن هڪ پتي جيترو به نقصان پهچڻ جو امڪان هجي ته ان واسطي سالن جا سال غور ڪجي ته نه ٿورو وقت آهي تنهنڪري اٻهرائي کان ڪم نه ورتو وڃي ۽ آخر ۾ آءٌ ليڊر آف دي هائوس کي عرض ڪندس ته پنهنجو ريزوليشن واپس وٺي.

Mr. G.M. BHURGRI (Translation of Sindhi Speech): Sir, I rise to oppose this resolution. The Honorable the leader of the House has stated that because the Pakistan Constituent Assembly could not frame a Constitution for Pakistan during this period of seven years, Pakistan is, therefore, involved into difficulties; that it has seriously affected the political set-up in this country. I entirely agree with him that the Constituent Assembly has failed in its duty, the reason being that the Members of that Constituent Assembly were elected to it before the partition of the country. After the coming into existence of Pakistan, the Muslim  league in order to keep itself in power in Government entrusted the work of framing a constitution to these members who were not fit to do justice to it and therefore did not prove successful and became the cause of failure and the present serious situation in the country. When the Muslim League met with defeat in the recent elections held in East Pakistan, it was but fair that the Constituent Assembly should have dissolved itself. But the members did not do so. Now His Excellency the Governor General has dissolved that Assembly because it did not sucked in framing constitution for the country and since the ultimate authority rests with the people, he has taken this action in the interest of the people. His Excellency the Governor-General has said in his proclamation that the ultimate authority vests in the people. The people were therefore justified in thinking that fresh elections to the Constituent Assembly would be made direct by the people of this country. Or, in the alternative, the existing Provincial Legislatures would be dissolved and from elections to those legislatures would be held; and after the election to the new Constituent Assembly, a constituent according to the wishes of the people would be framed.   

It is matter of surprise, Sir that this interim Government, constituted during the emergent conditions prevailing in the country, should take upon itself the task of framing the constitution. Therefore the resolution which is before the House, if passed, will be of no consequence whatsoever.

Now, Sir, three arguments have been advanced for putting an end to the existence of the various provinces in West Pakistan. Firstly, it is said that it will result in economy, secondly, that the resources of one province can be easily utilized for other provinces; thirdly, that it will put an end to provincialism and bring about unity among the people which will result in strengthening the foundation of Pakistan.

As regards the first point, I submit that we can bring about this economy in various other ways. At present this House consists of 111 members; but formerly there were only 60 members and we can reduce the number further and make it only 50. Formerly, there were 12 Ministers and now we have only 3 Ministers who are also able to carry on the administration efficiently. The Governor is merely a constitutional head and we can have one Governor for three or four provinces together. In many other similar ways, economy in expense could be effects. Advancing this argument of economy is merely an excuse to put an end to the existence of the provinces, country to the wishes of the people. I may remind the Honorable leader of the house that when Sind was being separated from Bombay, it was being said at that time also that Sind will not by itself be able to meet the expense, but that was not considered sufficient argument and Sind was in spite of it made a separate province from Bombay.

Regarding the argument that the resources of one province can be utilized for other provinces, I submit that if the N.W.F.P, Sind, Baluchistan, Bahawalpur and other stated were separate independent countries, then this question could have arisen, but because all these provinces and states are in one country, they are part of Pakistan, therefore this question does not arise at all. I ask, can the N.W.F.P. province refuse to give electricity? Or the Baluchistan people will allow the Sui gas to be wasted into the air but not permit Sind and Karachi to use it.

Now there remains the question of bringing about unity amongst the people. For that I would submit to the Honorable the leader of the House that if this welding into one Unit is brought about without the willing consent of the people of Sind, the result emanating there from will not only by undesirable but will be positively dangerous. Already smaller provinces have prejudices against the bigger one, and this proposed step will result in increased discord and instead of bringing unity and putting an end to provincialism, will fan up such a fire of hatred that in due course of time this conflagration would envelope entire Pakistan and bring about its end. What advantage or safety, I ask, can result out of this step? Our prime minster of Pakistan comes from a place which is 1800 miles away from us. He is not acquainted with the internal conditions of our province. But I would make a request to the Honorable the leader of the house, who is a resident of this province and is an old and experienced politician, to withdraw this resolution and frankly tell the prime minster of Pakistan that this question of one unit will prove disastrous for the safety of Pakistan.

In his broadcast to the nation, the prime minster of Pakistan told us that the unitary from of Government was the best type of Government for our country, but looking to the geographical factors, the whole of Pakistan cannot not be integrated into one unit because the people, of East Pakistan will consider themselves far removed and isolated from the seat of Government from this I can say that our prime minster has not properly appraised the patriotism of our people. I am sure that the people of West Pakistan will not raise any objection if the capital or seat of Government of Pakistan is established in East Pakistan. I am, however, of the definite opinion that Pakistan is a multi-nation country and the Federal type of Government alone is best suited and beneficial for Pakistan.

The Honorable leader of the House has in his speech assured us that in the scheme of one unit the rights and interests of Sind will be safeguarded. He has quoted the instances, services, the land, etc. he is also confident that after these assurance the doubts and apprehensions of the people of Sind will disappear from their minds. But I submit to this Honorable House that when there will be no Sind and Sindhis as such, in future, for whom are these promises regarding services, land etc. Being made? In this period of seven years, which promises have been honored by Pakistan government? What happened to the 1940 resolution of the Muslim League at Lahore wherein it was promised that after the establishment of Pakistan? This is a matter of such importance that even if there is a possibility of danger, however insignificant, even to the even of percent, we should thing and ponder over it for years and even house few words, I would again request the Leader of the House to withdraw us resolution.

The Honorable Mr. M.A.KHUHRO: Sir I move for a closure enough has been said on the resolution and the opposition point has been ably represented by Honorable member Mr. G.M. Bhurgri and the time of the House must be saved.

THE HONORABLE THE DEPUTY SPEAKER: I want to give 10 minutes to Pir Illahi Bakhsh.

مسٽر پير الاهي بخش:- جناب صدر- مان هر ٽي لنبي تقرير ڪرڻ نٿو گهران. منهن جي آنربل دوست مسٽر جي ايم سيد جيڪي ٻه ٽي ڳالهيون پيش ڪيون هيون مان سمجهان ٿو ته انهيءَ جي نقطه نگاهه کان ٻه ٽي ڳالهيون هن هائوس اڳيان پيش ڪريان. مسٽر جي ايم سيد جيڪا هن هائوس اڳيان 16 سيپٽمبر تي عريضي پيش ڪئي هئي انهن جون ٻه ٽي ڳالهيون هتي واضح ڪرڻ گهران ٿو. ٻيو ته انهيءَ تي ڪيترين آنربل ميمبرن صاحبن به چيو آهي ۽ آنربل شاهنواز پيرزاده صاحب چيو آهي جي مان پوءِ اوهان کي پيش ڪندس.

صاحب صدر- مسٽر جي ايم سيد پنهنجي عريضي ۾ جيڪي ڳالهيون پيش ڪيون آهن سي مان هتي واضح ڪرڻ گهران ٿو:

(1)  دولت پاڪستان جي مرڪزي قانون ساز ادارن ۾ کيس به اوترائي عيوضي ملڻ گهرجن جيترا سڀني مستقل قوميت مان هر هڪ کي ملن.

(2)  صوبائي اختيارات جي حدن اندر پنهنجي سمورين ملازمتن تي پاڻ قابض هجن.

(3)  صوبائي اختيارات جي حدن اندر پنهنجي سمورين ملازمتن تي پاڻ قابض هجن.

(4)  ملڪ جي دفاعي ملازمتن سميت سڀني مرڪزي ملازمتن تي کيس آدمشماريءَ جي لحاظ سان جڳهيون ملڻ گهرجن.

(5)   پنهنجي قدرتي زرعي پيداوار ۽ پنهنجي صنعتي ۽ تجارتي وسيلن جي ملڪيت ۽ استعمال سندس ئي مڪمل اختيار ۾ هجن.

(6)   اعليٰ کان اعليٰ تعليم پنهنجي مادري زبان جي ذريعي حاصل ڪري.

(7)   سمورين سنڌي ڳالهائيندڙن ايراضين جهڙوڪ (ڪراچي فيڊرل ايراضي سميت)رياست خيرپور، بهاولپور جي ڪي حصا، رياست لسٻيلو وغيره جيڪي جاگرافيءَ جي لحاظ سان هڪٻئي سان ڳنڍيل آهن، تن سڀني جي قومي زندگي متحده سياسي اجتماع تي ٻڌل هجي، ۽.

(8)   کيس اهي سمورا سياسي، اقتصادي، ثقافتي ۽ ٻيا حق حاصل هجن، جن تي قوميتن جي خود ارادي واري تسليم شده اصول هيٺ ڪنهن به مستقل قوميت جو حق جاري ٿي سگهي ٿو.

(9)   صاحب صدر- هيءُ ريزوليشن آهي جن تي سڀني هڪ هڪ صاحب گهڻو ڳالهايو آهي پر هڪ ڳالهه ضرور چوندس ته اسان جو آنربل چيف منسٽر صاحب جو مون کان گهڻو آزمودگار آهي تنهن کان پڇيو وڃي ته سنڌ جڏهن بمبئي سان شامل هئي تڏهن سندن ڪهڙي حالت هئي جڏهن اتي سنڌ جا مان سمجهان ٿو ته 18. 19 يا 20 ميمبر هوندا تن سان ڇا حالت ٿي گذرندي هئي جا کين چڱيءَ طرح خبر هوندي. انهيءَ وقت سنڌ جي عوام جي حالت اهڙي خراب هوندي هئي جو اهڙي گڏهه جي به خراب نه هوندي.

آنربل پير علي محمد راشدي:- گڏهه کانسواءِ ٻيو لفظ ڪو نه ٿو ٿي سگهي.

پير الاهي بخش: گڏهه لاءِ ٻيو لفظ “خر” آهي، توهان تنهن وقت سنڌ جي حالت ڏسو ها جڏهين بمبئي سان شامل هئي ته سندس حالت بدتر هئي اسان سان ماٽيجي ماءُ وارو برتاءَ هو جنهن ڪري اسان جي آنربل چيف منسٽر صاحب زور شور سان ڪوشش وٺي سنڌ بمبئي کان الڳ ڪرائي، تنهن ڪري هاڻي اسان سان ساڳي حالت ٿيندي جو سنڌي پيا دربدر ٿيندا. تنهن ڪري سنڌ جو عوام انهيءَ هڪ يونٽ ٿيڻ تي خوش نه آهي. توهان صاحب مهرباني ڪري سنڌ جي عوام کان انهيءَ باري ۾ به رايو ورتو وڃي. باقي ڏنڊي جي زور تي هيءُ ريزوليشن پاس نه ڪرايو وڃي. مان اوهان کي چئلينج ڪندس ته سنڌ جو عوام انهيءَ ڳالهه لاءِ هرگز تيار نه آهي ڇاڪاڻ جو مان ٻهراڙين ۾ ويو آهيان ۽ مون کي خبر آهي ته سنڌ جو عوام ڪنهن به حالت ۾ راضي نه آهي. ٻيو مان اڄ جو مثال اوهان کي ٻڌايان ٿو ته جيئن مان صبح جو آيس پئي ته رستي تي چانهه جو هوٽل هو اتي اچي بيٺس ته هوٽل واري مونکان پڇيو ته اوهان سنڌ اسيمبليءَ جا ميمبر آهيو ڇا؟ مون چيومانس ته تون ڪيئن ٿو چوين؟ تنهن تي جواب ڏنائين ته اڄ اسيمبلي ٿيندي جنهن ۾ هڪ يونٽ جو سوال بحاليءَ لاءِ پيش ٿيندو ۽ انهيءَ ڪري سمجهيم ته اوهان به ميمبر آهيو. تنهن تي مون چيومانس ته هائو ۽ مونکي چيائين ته هاڻي وڃو ٿا سنڌ کي ختم ڪرڻ. سائين منهنجا سنڌ جي عوام جي حالت آهي. مگر جي توهان هروڀرو پنهنجي ڏنڊي جي زور سان يا ماڻهن کي جيلن ۾ وجهڻ سان يا پوليس جي زور سان جنهن جي پهري هيٺ اسان آهيون، هڪ يونٽ جو ريزوليشن پاس ڪرائيندا ته اهو ٺيڪ نه آهي.

آنربل پير علي محمد راشدي: “تون” (unparliamentarily) ان پارليامينٽري لفظ آهي.

پير الاهي بخش: مون تون ڪو نه چيو آهي پر توهان چيو آهي.

جناب اعليٰ: مان آنربل ليڊر آف دي هائوس کي عرض ڪندس ته سنڌ جي عوام جو رايو انهيءَ ۾ ورتو وڃي جيڪڏهن سنڌ جو عوام انهيءَ لاءِ آماده آهي ته پوءِ بلاشڪ پاس ڪيو وڃي. ٻيو ته مونکي افسوس جو منهنجي دوست آنربل، مسٽر شاهنواز پيرزاده صاحب جيڪا تقرير ڪراچي کي سنڌ سان ملائڻ لاءِ ڪئي هئي سي مان سائين جن کي ٻڌايان ٿو.

PIR ILLAHI BAKHSH: Sir, this is what my friend my friend Mr. Shah Naas Pirzada said on the floor of this House. He said:

“I remember that on the 22^nd May 1948, the whole question was discussed in the Pakistan Constituent Assembly when this question of separation of Karachi was also brought up by Honorable Khwaja Shahabuddin, Minister for Interior. One gentle man from Punjab, Malik Firoz Khan Noon, of course, had the hardihood to state that the Resolution of 1940 was dead and he, of course, accused us Sindhis of narrow Provincialism. Sir, I would like to state that the Quaid-i-Millat never repudiated the Resolution. ”

The Honorable PIR ALI MUHAMMAD RASHDI: is it poetry or prose?

PIR ILLAHI BAKHSH: It is poetry.

The Honorable PIR ALI MUHAMMAD RASHDI: Very melodious!

PIR ILLAHI BAKHSH: So my friend stands by that resolution.

Sir, you should go to the people and if the people want it…

The Honorable PIR ALI MUHAMMAD RASHDI: People do want it. Sir, the Honorable Member should speak either in English or in Sindhi.

جناب اعليٰ- مان وري به عرض ڪندس ته سنڌ جي عوام جي دلين کي رنجايو نه وڃي ۽ انهن جي به راءِ وٺڻ ۾ اچي نه ته ٻي صورت ۾ نتيجو سٺو نه نڪرندو مان انهن لفظن سان هن ريزوليشن جي مخالفت ٿو ڪريان.

PIR ILLAHI BAKHSH (Translation of Sindhi Speech): Sir, I do not want to infect long speech on this honorable house. I would, however, like to place before the house two or three points which my honorable friend Mr. G.M. Sayed had already mentioned before this house. I wish to present on the 16^th September last when presenting his petition. On that, matter several honorable member had expressed their feelings and honorable member Mr. Shah Naas Pirzada had spoken on it; but I shall refer to that later. Sir, this is what my honorable friend Mr. G.M. Sayed said while presenting the petition:

(1)   The right to have equal representation with other federating units of Pakistan in the Federal Legislature;

L (IV) I 103-7

(2)    The sole right to man all the services within her own boundaries;

(3)   The proportionate right to the Federal Services, including the Defense Services;

(4)   The sole right to the appropriation and use of all her natural resources, and all her industrial and commercial possibilities;

(5)   Imparting of higher education in the mother tongue of the province;

(6)   Inclusion of all Sindhi speaking areas (including Karachi Federal Area)  such as Khairpur state, portions of Bahawalpur, Lasbela state etc, connected with each other from geographical point of view, into the province of Sind, and

(7)   All such other political, economic, cultural, and other rights to which the people constituting a distinct entity are entitled.

Sir, on this resolution several honorable members took part in the discussion and spoke upon it. I would like to say here one thing. Our honorable Chief Minister is an experienced politicization and has more experience then even myself. Let us ask him what was the condition of our province of Sind when if was it was with Bombay Council. He is well aware of it. At that time, the condition of the masses in Sind was worse than that of donkeys even.

The honorable PIR ALI MUHAMMAD RASHDI: Can there not be any other word for it than “Donkey”?

The honorable PIR ILLAHI BAKHSH: The other word for “Donkey” is “ass”.

You should have seen the condition of the province of Sind during those days when it was with Bombay. It was much worse. We used to get steps motherly treatments and therefore our Honorable Chief Minister after considerable agitation and hard pressing, got Sind separated from Bombay. Therefore, I say that the same thing will recur if Sind goes to any other province and we Sindhis will be nowhere. The people of Sind, the common people, are not in favor of one unit. I would request you, Sir, to get the opinion from the people of Sind and not have this resolution passed and carried by use of force and compulsion. I challenge and state that the common people in Sind are not prepared to support this resolution. I say this because I have gone to villages and I know that the common people are not happy over it. I give you here an instance, which occurred today. As I was coming here this morning. I stopped on the way at teashop. The shopkeeper enquired from me whether I was a member the Sind Assembly. I asked him how he guessed it. He replied, “Today there is going to be a session of the Sind Assembly where one unit Resolution will be presented for being passed and therefore I think that you are a member of the Assembly”. I answered him in the affirmative. He therefore remarked, “You are going to finish Sind” Sir, this is the opinion of the Sind masses. But if you wily Nelly by use of your authority and force, or by sending people to jail, or by the force of your police under whose guard we have been placed even at present pass this resolution, it will not be fair.

The honorable PIR ALI MUHAMMAD RASHDI: The word:”thou” is unparliamentarily.

The Honorable PIR ILLAHI BAKAHSH: I did not use the word”thou” but “You”.

Sir, I would request the honorable leader of the house that the people of Sind, the masses, should be consulted in this matter and their opinion obtained. If they are in favor of it, let this resolution be passed.

Sir, here I would I like to quote from the speech of the honorable member Mr. Shah Naas Pirzada that he mad on the question of restoration of Karachi Federal Area to Sind. This is what he said then:

“I remember that on the 22^nd May, 1948, the whole question was discussed in the Pakistan Constituent Assembly when this question of separation of Karachi was also brought up by Honorable Khwaja Shahabuddin, Minister for Interior. One gentle man from Punjab, Malik Firoz Khan Noon of course, had the hardihood to state that the Resolution of 1940 was dead and he, of course, accused   us Sindhis of narrow provincialism……Sir, I would like to state that the Quaid-i-Millat never repudiated the Resolution.

The Honorable PIR ALI MUHAMMAD RASHDI:  Is it poetry or prose?

The Honorable PIR ILLAHI BAKAHSH: it is poetry

The Honorable PIR ALI MUAMMAD RASHDI: Very melodious.

The Honorable PIR ILLAHI BAKSH: So my friend stands by that resolution. Sir, you should go to the people and if the people want it.

The Honorable PIR ALI MUAMMAD RASHDI: People do want it. Sir, the Honorable Member should speak either in English or in Sindhi.

The Honorable PIR ILLAHI BAKSH: (Translation of Sindhi speech): would again make a request that the people of Sind should be consulted and they should not; give me a cause for dissatisfactions. Otherwise, the result wills not him good. With these words, I oppose the resolution.

The Honorable Mr. M.A.KHURO: Sir, I have the right of reply, I, however, want Mr. Rashdi to wind up the debate.

THE HONORABLE THE DEPUTY SPEAKER: Yes, Honorable Pir Ali Muhammad Rashdi.

آنربل پير علي محمد راشدي؛ صاحب صدر- مان هن هائوس جو گهڻو وقت نه وٺندس مگر جيڪي مان چوان ٿو سو انهيءَ کي اوهان صاحب چڱي طرح ڌيان سان ٻڌندا ۽ چڱيءَ طرح غور ڪرڻ فرمائيندا. اوهان کي بخوبيءَ خبر آهي ته سنڌ اسيمبلي ئي سڀني صوبن کانپوءِ انهيءَ ون يونٽ ريزوليشن جي تائيد ۾ اڄ فيصلو ڪري رهي آهي. اسان کان اڳ پنجاب، بهاولپور، خيرپور، بلوچستان ۽ فرنٽيئر يونٽ جي حق ۾ ريزوليشن پاس ڪيا آهن. جيڪڏهن اسين ان راءِ جي خلاف وينداسين ته اسان کي نقصان پهچندو. هڪ يونٽ جي ٿيڻ ۾ پاڪستان لاءِ ڀلائي آهي ۽ سنڌ لاءِ به ڀلائي آهي. جيڪڏهين اسان کي هن فيصلي جي خلاف وڃڻو آهي ته پوءِ پنجاب سان بهاولپور سان ۽ ٻين صوبن سان اعلان جنگ آهي. تنهنڪري مان هن آنربل هائوس کي عرض ڪندس ته هن ريزوليشن جي تائيد ڪن ۽ سڄي پاڪستان کي اتفاق ۾ آڻين جنهن ۾ اسان جي مفاد جو گهڻي ۾ گهڻو حصو آهي. ماڻهن جي پنهنجي مفاد حاصل ڪرڻ لاءِ پاڪستان جي سالميت کي ٺڪرائڻ گهرندا پوءِ مان ايترو چوندس ته ڪم از ڪم انهيءَ پاليسي کي عمل ۾ آڻڻ لاءِ اسين تيار نه آهيون. مان ننڍن صوبن کي عرض ڪندس ته هن وقت جي حالت اها آهي جو هو پاڻ کي درست ڪري نه سگهيا آهن. تنهنڪري سينٽرل گورنمينٽ جي حالت اهڙي مضبوط رهي آهي جو دستور ساز اسيمبلي کي به ڊسمس ڪري سگهي ۽ پير صاحب کي به ڊسمس ڪري سگهي. سبب هيءُ آهي جو اسان ننڍڙي جڳهه ۾ ويٺا آهيون ۽ اسان ۾ ڪا به طاقت نه آهي جو انهن سان منهن ماري ڪري سگهون. جيڪڏهن سينٽرل گورنمينٽ اسان کي چوي ته اوهان سنڌ جون زمينون ڇڏي وڃو ته پوءِ ان جو علاج اهو آهي ته اسان کي ڇڏڻيون پونديون ۽ پوءِ اسان کي ٻين صوبن سان ملي انهن وڇڙيل ڀائرن سان گڏجي رهڻو پوندو.  زماني جي تقاضا هيءَ آهي ته اسان جي هڪ يونٽ ۾ مضبوط ۽ مستحڪم حيثيت هوندي. اسان جي آنربل ليڊر آف دي هائوس کي انهيءَ فڪر جي باعث ۾ ننڊ نٿي اچي. تنهنڪري اسان لاءِ اهو ضروري آهي ته ا سان ويسٽ پاڪستان کي متحد ۽ متفق ڪريون ۽ مان اوهان کي ايترو پڇان ٿو ته اوهان جو سنڌ صوبو جدا آهي ته پوءِ ڇا توهان جون زمينن تي قبضو آهي، فوج ۾ سنڌين جي ڪا ڀرتي ٿيل آهي ۽ سينٽرل ڪيبينيٽ ۾ ڪا به اسان جي پوزيشن به آهي يا نيوي ۾ ڪو به اسان جو سنڌي آهي. جيڪڏهين اسان هڪ يونٽ ۾ شامل نه ٿينداسين. ته اسان سڄي ملڪ کان عليحده هونداسين ته پوءِ اسان جي صوبي جي حفاظت ڪيئن ٿي سگهندي. جيڪڏهن اوهان انهيءَ حڪم کي ڇڏيندو ته پوءِ توهان ڪهڙي نوني سنڌ جي حقن جي حفاظت ڪندا. اوهان کي ياد آهي ته ڪمزور هميشه مضبوط جي پٺيان آهي. هندو توهان کان وڌيڪ تعليم يافته آهن. پر تڏهين به هنن کي جدا اليڪشن نه گهرجي بلڪه انهن کي گڏ اليڪشن گهرجي انهيءَ لاءِ جو هو قلعي ۾ داخل هئا ۽ مضبوطي قلعو  بڻايون اٿائون. توهان ننڍن صوبن کي وڏن صوبن ۾ گڏ ڪرڻ توهان لاءِ فائدو آهي جو اسان جي حالت وڌيڪ بهتر ٿيندي ڇاڪاڻ جو سڀ صوبا هڪ ٿي ويندا. هيءُ جو پير صاحب سنڌ کي ختم ڪرڻ جو پروپوزل هوٽل واري کان آندو آهي ۽ ان تي چيو اٿس ته اسان کي نقصان ٿيندو انهيءَ لاءِ مان کيس عرض ڪندس ته اهو غلط آهي. پير صاحب بمبئي جي وقت ۾ سنڌ جي حالت جو بيان ڪيو آهي انهيءَ لاءِ عرض ڪندس ته انهيءَ زماني جي حالت نرالي هئي ۽ هن وقت حالت نرالي آهي.

صاحب صدر- شايد پير صاحب اها سوچ ڪا نه ڪئي آهي ته بمبئي سنڌ کان ست سئو ميل پري هئي ۽ انهيءَ وقت هندن جي اڪثريت هئي ۽ تنهن وقت ۾ هڪ ڪمشنر صاحب ساري حڪومت جو ڪاروبارو هلائيندو هو مگر پنجاب ته سنڌ کي تمام ويجهو آهي  ۽ پاڻ ۾ سڀ ڀائر مسلمان هونداسين  ۽ ٻيو ته بمبئي واري زماني ۾ اسان جي اليڪشن جي ڇا حالت هوندي هئي پر هنيئر ته پاڻ کي سڀ حق حقوق ملندا. تنهن  ڪر يمان پير الاهي بخش صاحب کي عرض ڪندس ته هوٽل واري کان سبق  نه پڇي ۽ نه پراڻن ڪتابن تان ڪم هلائي ڇو جو پير صاحب پراڻي جاگرافيءَ جي حالت تي ڳالهائي رهيو آهي، جنهن جي ڪري مون کي هن لاءِ سخت افسوس آهي.

جناب صدر- مان پنهنجي دوست آنربل پير الاهي بخش کان ايترو پڇان ٿو ته ڪڏهن چوي ٿو ته يونٽري گورنمينٽ ٺاهي وڃي ۽ ڪڏهن چوي ٿو ته يونٽيٽري  گورنمينٽ نه ٿئي، ۽ ڪڏهن ڪهڙي ڳالهه ٿو ڪري انهيءَ جو سبب ڇا آهي ۽ انهيءَ ۾ ڪهڙو منطق آهي.

جناب صدر- مان سمجهان ٿو ته اهي پروپزلس پير الاهي بخش صاحب هوٽل وارن کان وٺندو هوندو. افسوس آهي جو اسان جو دوست پير الاهي بخش صاحب سياست جي متلق هوٽل وارن کان ٿو مشورا وٺي.

صاحب صدر- اوهان کي بخوبي خبر آهي ته جنهن به انهيءَ يونٽ جي برخلافي ڪئي آهي. سي جيلن ۾ پيا آهن ۽ ڪيترا ڊسمس ٿيا پيا آهن جن جو زندهه مثال اسان جي اکين اڳيان هنن ٻارهين شهيد وزيرن جو موجود آهي. تنهنڪري مان اوهان کي عرض ڪندس ته انهن ڳالهين کي ڇڏي ڏيو ته هنيئر ٿيندو يا هونئن ٿيندو ڇو ته هڪ يونٽ ٿيندو پوءِ ان ۾ اسان راضي رهون يا ناراض رهون ته به ٿيندو. باقي جو منهن جو دوست آنربل پير الاهي بخش صاحب هوٽل واري جي مشوري تي هلي چوندو ته هلي جنگشاهي اسٽيشن تي رهو مگر اهو اصول قبول نه ڪريو ته مان سمجهان ٿو ته اهو سندس الائي ڪهڙي نموني جو لاجڪ ٿيندو.

صاحب صدر- اسان جو آنربل ليڊر آف دي هائوس انهيءَ تي چڱي طرح غور ڪيو آهي ۽ تنهن کان پوءِ هن صاحب هڪ يونٽ جو ريزوليشن هن هائوس اڳيان پيش ڪيو آهي. تنهن ڪري اوهان مهرباني ڪري سندس نظام ۾ دخل نه ڏيو ته ڏاڍو سٺو ٿئي ۽ مان انهيءَ هڪ يونٽ ريزوليشن جي تائيد ٿو ڪريان.

صاحب صدر- ٻيو ته مونکي افسوس سان چوڻو ٿو پوي ته سنڌ اهڙي ته پٺتي پيل آهي جو هر ڳالهه تي مخالفت ڪرڻ لاءِ اسان جا ڪي ميمبر صاحب تيار آهن جو هر ڳالهه تي مخالفت ڪرڻ لاءِ اسان جا ڪي ميمبر صاحب تيار آهن سي اها نٿا ڏسن ته پنجاب ڪيتريقدر نه قرباني ڪئي آهي جو ڇاونجاهه مان چاليهه سيڪڙو ريزپرينٽيشن قبول ڪيو اٿن. تنهن ڪري اوهان به قرباني ڪريو ته جيئن اسان ٻين جي اڳيان روح سياهه نه ٿيون.

جناب صدر- منهنجي دوست پير الاهي بخش صاحب فرمايو ته سنڌ جي عوام کان انهيءَ باري ۾ رايو وٺڻ گهرجي. مان کيس اهو ٻڌاينا ٿو ته اسان کي سنڌ جي عوام چونڊي موڪليو آهي ۽ چورن ته اسان کي ته چونڊي نه موڪليو آهي، ته پوءِ انهيءَ صورت ۾ا سان جڏهن سندن عيوضي هتي فيصلو ڪريون ٿا ته اهو انهن کي منظور آهي ۽ مان کيس ايترو ٻڌائيندس ته سنڌ جو عوام انهيءَ هڪ يونٽ ٿيڻ ۾ راضي آهي. مگر منهنجي دوست پير الاهي بخش صاحب پنهنجي ءَ تقرير ۾ فرمايو ته پاڻ ٻهراڙيءَ جي ڪنڊ ڪڙڇ ۾ سنڌ جي عوام جا رايا ٻڌا اٿس ۽ پو ءِ فقط مثال هوٽل واري جي رايي جو پيش ڪيائين تنهن جي معنيٰ ته پير صاحب صرف هوٽ واري کان رايو وٺي آيو آهي ۽ ٻهراڙيءَ جي ڪنڊڪڙڇ ۾ ويو ئي نه آهي.

صاحب صدر- جيڪڏهن سنڌ هڪ يونٽ ۾ شامل نٿي ٿئي ۽ سينٽرل وارا هڪ يونٽ ڪن ٿا ۽ پوءِ جڏهن اسان جي سنڌ جا سٺ يا اسي ماڻهو پٽڪا ٻڌي ڪهڙي به قسم جي درخواست کڻي سينٽرل وارن ڏي ويندا ۽ انهن کي جڏهين انڪار جواب ملندو ۽ انهن جو ڪم نه ٿيندو ته پوءِ پنهنجا پٽڪا ڇنڊي موٽي ايندا ۽ چوندا ته هاڻي اسان کي هڪ يونٽ قبول آهي.

صاحب صدر- مان پڇاڙيءَ ۾ ايترو عرض ڪندس ته ڇا حق حقوق محفوظ رهندا ۽ ان اسان گڏ اهو به عرض ڪندس ته جيڪڏهن اسان سٺي قدم تي هلنداسين ته الله پاڪ جي اڳيان روح سياه پيش نه ٿينداسين. آخر ۾ مان هڪ يونٽ ريزوليشن جي تائيد ڪريان ٿو.

The Honorable PIR ALI MUHAMMD RASHDI (Translation of Sindhi Speech): Sir, I do not propose to take the time of the house for long; I however request honorable members to listen me attentively and consider and weigh carefully what I have to say. Sir, you are well aware that the Sind Assembly is the last provincial Assembly to consider the one unit resolution. The Punjab, Bahawalpur, Khairpur, Baluchistan, and Frontier Assemblies have already passed resolutions in favor of one unit. If we go against this unanimous opinion, it will do us more harm than good. One unit is beneficial for Pakistan as well as for Sind. If we want to go against this one unit, for Pakistan as well as for Sind. If we want to go against this one unit, we shall be virtually declaring ourselves at war with the Punjab, Bahawalpur and the rest of provinces. Therefore, I would request this honorable house to support this resolution and unify the whole of Pakistan, which will result to the advantage of Sind also. If the people, in order to serve their stakes, oppose the unification of Pakistan, then I would at last say this much that we are not prepared to follow the lead of such selfish people. I would request the smaller provinces to realize that during all this period they have not been able to consolidate their position in relation to the centre. The central government could dissolve the constituent Assembly and could even dismiss Pir Saheb while he was chief minister. The reason is that we being small units are not powerful enough to oppose the strong centre. If will have the abandon them. We will have to unite with other provinces and live like other refugee brothers there. Looking to the times, it is clear that in the one unit our provinces will have a good standing. Our honorable leader of the house is very much worried over this question and is on that account not having even proper sleep at night. It is essential that we should have one unit in West Pakistan. I ask you this simple question. At present, you have a separate province; have you any dominance over the land? Have any Sindhis been recruited in the army? Have we any voice in the Central Cabinet is there any Sindhi recruited in the Navy? If we do not join one unit, then we shall have to remain isolated. How shall we be able to organize our defense? If you reject this scheme, how will you then in a position to safeguard the rights of Sind. You must remember that the weak must always follow and remain under the shelter of the strong. Hindus are more educated than you are, even then they do not want to join us and remain part of a strong unit. If smaller provinces merge into the bigger one, it will endure to our benefit because our condition will improve as union means strength. You have heard the proposition, which Pir Saheb has    you from hotelkeeper that Sind is being finished. Pir Saheb has told us that it would result in considerable harm to the Sindhis. I would assure Pir Saheb that it is wrong way of thinking. Pir Saheb has described the condition of Sind when it was with Bombay, but the circumstances prevailing in those days were different and the conditions now prevailing are quite different. Mr. Speaker it would appear that Pir Saheb has not taken into consideration the fact that Bombay was 700 miles away from Sind and at that time Hindus were in majority and one commissioner was governing the endure province. However, Punjab is nearer to Sind and we all are Muslim brothers. In the Bombay days, the conditions of election were different. Now we have acquired all our rights. Therefore I would request Pir Saheb not to take lesson from the hotelwala, nor to refer to old obsolete books, Pir Saheb is relying upon old and out of date geography; I am rather sorry for him.

Sir, I would request Pir Saheb to be consistent; sometimes he says be is in favor of unitary from of government and at other times he says there should not be unitary government. What reason and what logic are behind all this.

Sir, I feel that all this is due to his getting his lessons from that hotelwala. It is certainly regrettable that our friend Pir Saheb should try to learn his politics from a hotelwala.

Sir, you are well aware that any one who has opposed the one unit scheme has been put behind the bars and several of them have been dismissed. We have before us the living instance of these 12 dismissed Ministers. Therefore, I would request you to leave aside the question whether it should be or should not be. One unit is to be formed whether we are willing of not. However, if our friend Pir Illahi Bakhsh should say on the advice of a hotelwala that we should go and sit at jungshahi station, we would not accept it. Really, I do not know what kind of logic he is stating.

Sir, our leader of the house has carefully considered this matter and after that, he has brought this one unit resolution before this honorable house. Therefore, I request you to be so good as not to interfere with his policy of administration. That will be good of you. I support this one unit resolution.

I am sorry to observe that Sind has lagged behind other provinces; so much so that in very matter some of the other members are bound to rise for opposition. They cannot see how much Punjab has sacrificed by accepting 40 percent instead of 56 percent representation. Therefore, you should also make some sacrifice so that we may not look small before others.

Sir, Honorable Member Pir Illahi Bakhsh has suggested that w should refer third question for the opinion of the public. I may tell my friend that we have been elected and sent here by the public of Sind and not by the thieves. Therefore, whatever we, their chosen representatives, decide here should be acceptable to them; and I may tell him that the public of this province are quite satisfied with the one unit scheme.

Sir, my friend claimed that he had gone to every nook and coroner   of villages in Sind and had heard the opinion of the common people regarding the one unit scheme. However, here he has given us only instance of a hotelwala. This clearly shows that my friend has obtained the opinion only from a hotelwala and in fact, he has not gone to the countryside to obtain the opinion of the people.

Sir, when the centre sets up this one unit and Sind does not join it; I ask what will then happen? Our sixty or eighty representative wearing turbans on their head would approach the centre with some petition or the other and when centre would refuse to listen to them, they would come back and wiping the dust from their turbans, they would say: “Now we accept the one unit.”

In the end, sir, I would submit that our right would remain quite safe and secure. If we take the right path, we shall not have to bow down our heads with shame before Almighty. With these few words, I support this one unit resolution.

THE HONORABLE THE DEPUTY SPEAKER: Now I put the resolution to vote.

(Question put and agreed to)

The Resolution is passed.

PIR ILLAHI BAKHSH: Sir, I claim division.

THE HONORABLE THE DEPUTY SPEAKER: I shall put the resolution again to the House and take votes by show of hands. Names may be recorded.

1.         Abdullah Haji Muhammad Ismail Mahesar, Mr.

2.         Abdul Fatah Wali Muhammad Memon, Mr.

3.         Abdul Majid Khan Karim Bakhsh Khan Jatoi, Mr.

4.         Abdul Manan Abdul Rahman Kazi.

5.         Abdul Khair Alias Bashir Ahmed Khan Fateh Muhammad Khan Jam

6.         Ahmed Khan Haji Abdullah Khan Talpur, Mr.

7.         Ahmed Khan Fateh Khan Rajper, Mr.

8.          Ahmed Khan Rasul Bakhsh Bhutto, Mr.

9.         Ahmed Khan Shah Passand Khan , Mr.

10.                                              Aidansing Nagji Sodho, Mr.

11.                                              Aishah Muhammad Abdul Aziz Arain, Begum

12.                                              Ali Asghar Shah Chandmir Shah Shirazi, Mr.

13.                                              Ali Ahmed Khan Mir Haji Nabi Bakhsh Khan Talpur, Mir Haji.

14.                                              Ali Bilawal Khan Shah Ali Khan Dombki, Mr.

15.                                              Ali Gohar Khan Haji Khan Mahar, Sardar.

16.                                              Ali Gohar Shah Muhammad Khuhro, Mr.

17.                                              Ali Hassan Muhammad Ibrahim Mangi, Mr.

18.                                               Ali Muhammad Shah Hamid Shah Rashdi, Honorable Pir.

19.                                              Ali Nawz Khan Ali Murad Khan Dharejo, Mr.

20.                                              Ali Nawaz Khan Mir Haji Bandeh Ali Khan Talpur, Mr.

21.                                              Ali Shah Bhawan Ali Shah Jilani, Pir.

22.                                              Allah Bachayo Khan Haji Fateh Khan Talpur, Mr.

23.                                              Allan Khan Gaji Khan Laghari, Mr.

24.                                              Amir Bakhsh  Motial  Khan Mahar, Mr.

25.                                              Amir Ali Khan Haji Jam Jan Muhammad Khan Junejo, Haji Nawabzada Jam.

26.                                              Badurddin Haji Shamsuddin Durani, Mr. Agha.

27.                                              Bandehali Khan Haji Muhammd Hasan Khan Talpur, Mir.

28.                                               Dharmadas Motumal, Mr.

29.                                              Dost Muhammad Ali Hassan Hakro, Mr.

30.                                              Faiz Muhammad Sandal, Mr.

31.                                              Fakir Muhammad Ahmed Bakhsh Unar, Mr.

32.                                              Fazil Muhammad Khair Bakhsh Khan Laghari, Haji.

33.                                              Ghulam Ali Haji Abdullah Memon, Haji.

34.                                              Ghulam Hussan Alias Haji Jam Jan Muhammad Khan Kadirdad Khan Mari Baloch , Haji.

35.                                              Ghulam Hyder Shah haji Pir Shah Sayed, Mr.

36.                                              Ghulam Hyder Shah Nawabshah Sayed,

37.                                               Mr. Ghulam Kadir Muhammad Waris Narejo, Haji

38.                                               Ghulam Nabi Khan Haji Muhammad Ibrahim Dharejo, Haji.

39.                                              Ghulam Rasool K.B. Haji Imam Bux Khan Jatoi, Haji.

40.                                              Ghulam Rasool Shah Pir Jahan Shah Sayed, Pir.

41.                                              Ghulam Rasool Sher Khan Kehar, Mr.

42.                                              Gul Muhammad Shah Wali Muhammad Shah, Mr.

43.                                              Gul Muhammad  Wali Muhammad Khero, Haji

44.                                              Gulji Ratonji Menghwar, Mr.

45.                                              Hamid Hussain Muhammad Hussain Faruqui, Mr.

46.                                              Imam Bakhsh Mir Haji Allahdad Khan Talpur, Mir.

47.                                              Jaffar Khan Mir Taj Muhammad Khan Jamali, Mir.

48.                                               Jan Muhammad Bhai Khan, Mr.

49.                                              Kadir Bakhsh Illahi Bakhsh Tunio, Mr.

50.                                              Kararo Shah Alahdando Shah Sayed, Mr.

51.                                              Khair Shah Imam Ali Shah Sayed, Mr.

52.                                              Khan Muhammad Khan Wazir Khan Bozdar, Sardar.

53.                                              Mehboob Shah Pir Rasool Bakhsh Shah, Mr.

54.                                              Mamoo Khan Malik Bakadar Khan Malkani, Mr.

55.                                              Mehar Ali Shah Nawaz Ali Shah Sayed, Haji.

56.                                              Moosa Khan Allah Bakhsh Khan Bughio, Mr.

57.                                              Moula Bakhsh Haji Muhammad Umar, Honorable Haji

58.                                               Mubarak Ali Shah Jaffar Ali Shah Sayed, Mr.

59.                                              Muhammad Akbar Abdul Abdul Qayoom  Kazi, Mr.

60.                                              Muhammad Ali Shah Hassan Ali Shah, Sardar.

61.                                              Muhammad Ashfaque Muhammad Shafi Hussain Siddiqui, Mr.

62.                                              Muhammad Bakhsh Khan Haji Khan Saheb Khan Talpur, Mr.

63.                                              Muhammad Bakhsh Khan Saindino Khan Sarki, Mr.

64.                                              Muhammad Hassan Bakhsh Abdul Kadir, Haji Pir.

65.                                              Muhammad Hassan Shah Umed Ali Sayed, Sayed.

66.                                              Muhammad Hayat Karimdad Junejo, Haji.

67.                                              Muhammad Jaffar Khan Sardar Gul  Muhammad Khan Buledi Sardar.

68.                                               Muhammad Mahdi Shah Pir Rashdiullah Shah Jhandewaro, Pir.

69.                                              Muhammad Yusuf Khair Muhammad Chandio, Mir.

70.                                              Muhammad Zaman Makhdoom Ghulam Muhammad Saheb Qureshi Makhdoom.

71.                                              Muhammad Zaman Shah Haji Bakadar Shah, Sayed.

72.                                              Najimuddin Fateh Khan Laghri, Haji.

73.                                              Nasir Muhammad Khan Mir Muhammad Khan Mandhwani, Mr.

74.                                              Noor Muhammad Khan Bijrani, Sardar.

75.                                              Noor Muhammad Mir Khan Rahmoon, Mr.

76.                                              Noor Muhammad Shah Murad Ali Shah Sayed, Mr.

77.                                              Rahim Bakhsh Allah Bakhsh Soomro, Mr.

78.                                               Rasool Bakhsh Mula Moosa Khan Junejo, Mr.

79.                                              Rupchand Chelaram, Mr.

80.                                               Rupchand Seoomal Luhano, Mr.

81.                                               Sadikali Abdul Karim Memon, Haji.

82.                                               Saiduddin Saleh, Dr.

83.                                               Saifullah Mahboob Ali Khan Mangsi, Mr.

84.                                               Saleh Shah Ghulam Shah Sayed, Pir.

85.                                               Sambhoomal Hirachand Luhano, Mr.

86.                                               Sawasing Sonji Socho, Mr.

87.                                               Shah Naas Jamaluddin Pirzada, Mr.

88.Shah Nazir Hussain Shah Ghulam Sabir, Mr.

89.                                               Shahul Khan Bahadur Khan Khoso, Mr.

90.                                              Sikandar Khan Hamlani, Mr.

91.                                              Siroomal Kripaldas, Mr.

92.                                              Sultan Ahmed Mir Muhammad Khan Chandio, Mr.

93.                                              Sundar Khan Sardar Mir Zainuddin Khan Sundrani, Sardar, Mir.

94.                                              Tahira Aijaz Hussain Agha, Begum

95.                                              Teoomal Nathromal, Mr.

96.                                              Togachi Mir Muhammad Nuhri, Mr.

97.                                              Usman Khan Abdullah Khan Malkani, Haji.

98.                                               Zahid  Ali Khan Liquat  Ali Khan, Nawab.

Notes

1.         Abdul Hamid Kadir Bakhsh khan Jatoi, Mr.

2.         Ghulam Mustafa Khan Ghulam Muhammad Khan Bhurgri, Mr.

3.         Illahi Bakhsh Pir Naas Ali Shah, Pir.

4.         Khurshid Ahmed Muhammad Yaqoob Sheikh, Mr.